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Eight brilliant student essays on immigration and unjust assumptions.

Read winning essays from our winter 2019 “Border (In)Security” student writing contest.

For the winter 2019 student writing competition, “Border (In)Security,” we invited students to read the YES! Magazine article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the “Constitution-Free Zone” by Lornet Turnbull and respond with an up-to-700-word essay. 

Students had a choice between two writing prompts for this contest on immigration policies at the border and in the “Constitution-free zone,” a 100-mile perimeter from land and sea borders where U.S. Border Patrol can search any vehicle, bus, or vessel without a warrant. They could state their positions on the impact of immigration policies on our country’s security and how we determine who is welcome to live here. Or they could write about a time when someone made an unfair assumption about them, just as Border Patrol agents have made warrantless searches of Greyhound passengers based simply on race and clothing.

The Winners

From the hundreds of essays written, these eight were chosen as winners. Be sure to read the author’s response to the essay winners and the literary gems that caught our eye.

Middle School Winner: Alessandra Serafini

High School Winner: Cain Trevino

High School Winner: Ethan Peter

University Winner: Daniel Fries

Powerful Voice Winner: Emma Hernandez-Sanchez

Powerful Voice Winner: Tiara Lewis

Powerful Voice Winner: Hailee Park

Powerful Voice Winner: Aminata Toure

From the Author Lornet Turnbull

Literary Gems

Middle school winner.

Alessandra Serafini

Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

Broken Promises

“…Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me,

I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

These words were written by Emma Lazarus and are inscribed on the base of the Statue of Liberty. And yet, the very door they talk about is no longer available to those who need it the most. The door has been shut, chained, and guarded. It no longer shines like gold. Those seeking asylum are being turned away. Families are being split up; children are being stranded. The promise America made to those in need is broken.

Not only is the promise to asylum seekers broken, but the promises made to some 200 million people already residing within the U.S. are broken, too. Anyone within 100 miles of the United States border lives in the “Constitution-free zone” and can be searched with “reasonable suspicion,” a suspicion that is determined by Border Patrol officers. The zone encompasses major cities, such as Seattle and New York City, and it even covers entire states, such as Florida, Massachusetts, and New Jersey. I live in the Seattle area, and it is unsettling that I can be searched and interrogated without the usual warrant. In these areas, there has been an abuse of power; people have been unlawfully searched and interrogated because of assumed race or religion.

The ACLU obtained data from the Customs and Border Protection Agency that demonstrate this reprehensible profiling. The data found that “82 percent of foreign citizens stopped by agents in that state are Latino, and almost 1 in 3 of those processed are, in fact, U.S. citizens.” These warrantless searches impede the trust-building process and communication between the local population and law enforcement officers. Unfortunately, this lack of trust makes campaigns, such as Homeland Security’s “If You See Something, Say Something,” ineffective due to the actions of the department’s own members and officers. Worst of all, profiling ostracizes entire communities and makes them feel unsafe in their own country.

Ironically, asylum seekers come to America in search of safety. However, the thin veil of safety has been drawn back, and, behind it, our tarnished colors are visible. We need to welcome people in their darkest hours rather than destroy their last bit of hope by slamming the door in their faces. The immigration process is currently in shambles, and an effective process is essential for both those already in the country and those outside of it. Many asylum seekers are running from war, poverty, hunger, and death. Their countries’ instability has hijacked every aspect of their lives, made them vagabonds, and the possibility of death, a cruel and unforgiving death, is real. They see no future for their children, and they are desperate for the perceived promise of America—a promise of opportunity, freedom, and a safe future. An effective process would determine who actually needs help and then grant them passage into America. Why should everyone be turned away? My grandmother immigrated to America from Scotland in 1955. I exist because she had a chance that others are now being denied.

Emma Lazarus named Lady Liberty the “Mother of Exiles.” Why are we denying her the happiness of children? Because we cannot decide which ones? America has an inexplicable area where our constitution has been spurned and forgotten. Additionally, there is a rancorous movement to close our southern border because of a deep-rooted fear of immigrants and what they represent. For too many Americans, they represent the end of established power and white supremacy, which is their worst nightmare. In fact, immigrants do represent change—healthy change—with new ideas and new energy that will help make this country stronger. Governmental agreement on a humane security plan is critical to ensure that America reaches its full potential. We can help. We can help people in unimaginably terrifying situations, and that should be our America.

Alessandra Serafini plays on a national soccer team for Seattle United and is learning American Sign Language outside of school. Her goal is to spread awareness about issues such as climate change, poverty, and large-scale political conflict through writing and public speaking.

  High School Winner

Cain Trevino

North Side High School, Fort Worth, Texas

Xenophobia and the Constitution-Free Zone

In August of 2017, U.S. Border Patrol agents boarded a Greyhound bus that had just arrived at the White River Junction station from Boston. According to Danielle Bonadona, a Lebanon resident and a bus passenger, “They wouldn’t let us get off. They boarded the bus and told us they needed to see our IDs or papers.” Bonadona, a 29-year-old American citizen, said that the agents spent around 20 minutes on the bus and “only checked the IDs of people who had accents or were not white.” Bonadona said she was aware of the 100-mile rule, but the experience of being stopped and searched felt “pretty unconstitutional.”

In the YES! article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” by Lornet Turnbull, the author references the ACLU’s argument that “the 100-mile zone violates Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and seizure.” However, the Supreme Court upholds the use of immigration checkpoints for inquiries on citizenship status. In my view, the ACLU makes a reasonable argument. The laws of the 100-mile zone are blurred, and, too often, officials give arbitrary reasons to conduct a search. Xenophobia and fear of immigrants burgeons in cities within these areas. People of color and those with accents or who are non-English speakers are profiled by law enforcement agencies that enforce anti-immigrant policies. The “Constitution-free zone” is portrayed as an effective barrier to secure our borders. However, this anti-immigrant zone does not make our country any safer. In fact, it does the opposite.

As a former student from the Houston area, I can tell you that the Constitution-free zone makes immigrants and citizens alike feel on edge. The Department of Homeland Security’s white SUVs patrol our streets. Even students feel the weight of anti-immigrant laws. Dennis Rivera Sarmiento, an undocumented student who attended Austin High School in Houston, was held by school police in February 2018 for a minor altercation and was handed over to county police. He was later picked up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and held in a detention center. It is unfair that kids like Dennis face much harsher consequences for minor incidents than other students with citizenship.

These instances are a direct result of anti-immigrant laws. For example, the 287(g) program gives local and state police the authority to share individuals’ information with ICE after an arrest. This means that immigrants can be deported for committing misdemeanors as minor as running a red light. Other laws like Senate Bill 4, passed by the Texas Legislature, allow police to ask people about their immigration status after they are detained. These policies make immigrants and people of color feel like they’re always under surveillance and that, at any moment, they may be pulled over to be questioned and detained.

During Hurricane Harvey, the immigrant community was hesitant to go to the shelters because images of immigration authorities patrolling the area began to surface online. It made them feel like their own city was against them at a time when they needed them most. Constitution-free zones create communities of fear. For many immigrants, the danger of being questioned about immigration status prevents them from reporting crimes, even when they are the victim. Unreported crime only places more groups of people at risk and, overall, makes communities less safe.

In order to create a humane immigration process, citizens and non-citizens must hold policymakers accountable and get rid of discriminatory laws like 287(g) and Senate Bill 4. Abolishing the Constitution-free zone will also require pressure from the public and many organizations. For a more streamlined legal process, the League of United Latin American Citizens suggests background checks and a small application fee for incoming immigrants, as well as permanent resident status for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) recipients. Other organizations propose expanding the green card lottery and asylum for immigrants escaping the dangers of their home countries.

Immigrants who come to the U.S. are only looking for an opportunity to provide for their families and themselves; so, the question of deciding who gets inside the border and who doesn’t is the same as trying to prove some people are worth more than others. The narratives created by anti-immigrant media plant the false idea that immigrants bring nothing but crime and terrorism. Increased funding for the border and enforcing laws like 287(g) empower anti-immigrant groups to vilify immigrants and promote a witch hunt that targets innocent people. This hatred and xenophobia allow law enforcement to ask any person of color or non-native English speaker about their citizenship or to detain a teenager for a minor incident. Getting rid of the 100-mile zone means standing up for justice and freedom because nobody, regardless of citizenship, should have to live under laws created from fear and hatred.

Cain Trevino is a sophomore. Cain is proud of his Mexican and Salvadorian descent and is an advocate for the implementation of Ethnic Studies in Texas. He enjoys basketball, playing the violin, and studying c omputer science. Cain plans to pursue a career in engineering at Stanford University and later earn a PhD.  

High School Winner

Ethan Peter

Kirkwood High School, Kirkwood, Mo.

I’m an expert on bussing. For the past couple of months, I’ve been a busser at a pizza restaurant near my house. It may not be the most glamorous job, but it pays all right, and, I’ll admit, I’m in it for the money.

I arrive at 5 p.m. and inspect the restaurant to ensure it is in pristine condition for the 6 p.m. wave of guests. As customers come and go, I pick up their dirty dishes, wash off their tables, and reset them for the next guests. For the first hour of my shift, the work is fairly straightforward.

I met another expert on bussing while crossing the border in a church van two years ago. Our van arrived at the border checkpoint, and an agent stopped us. She read our passports, let us through, and moved on to her next vehicle. The Border Patrol agent’s job seemed fairly straightforward.

At the restaurant, 6 p.m. means a rush of customers. It’s the end of the workday, and these folks are hungry for our pizzas and salads. My job is no longer straightforward.

Throughout the frenzy, the TVs in the restaurant buzz about waves of people coming to the U.S. border. The peaceful ebb and flow enjoyed by Border agents is disrupted by intense surges of immigrants who seek to enter the U.S. Outside forces push immigrants to the United States: wars break out in the Middle East, gangs terrorize parts of Central and South America, and economic downturns force foreigners to look to the U.S., drawn by the promise of opportunity. Refugees and migrant caravans arrive, and suddenly, a Border Patrol agent’s job is no longer straightforward.

I turn from the TVs in anticipation of a crisis exploding inside the restaurant: crowds that arrive together will leave together. I’ve learned that when a table looks finished with their dishes, I need to proactively ask to take those dishes, otherwise, I will fall behind, and the tables won’t be ready for the next customers. The challenge is judging who is finished eating. I’m forced to read clues and use my discretion.

Interpreting clues is part of a Border Patrol agent’s job, too. Lornet Turnbull states, “For example, CBP data obtained by ACLU in Michigan shows that 82 percent of foreign citizens stopped by agents in that state are Latino, and almost 1 in 3 of those processed is, in fact, a U.S. citizen.” While I try to spot customers done with their meals so I can clear their part of the table, the Border Patrol officer uses clues to detect undocumented immigrants. We both sometimes guess incorrectly, but our intentions are to do our jobs to the best of our abilities.

These situations are uncomfortable. I certainly do not enjoy interrupting a conversation to get someone’s dishes, and I doubt Border Patrol agents enjoy interrogating someone about their immigration status. In both situations, the people we mistakenly ask lose time and are subjected to awkward and uncomfortable situations. However, here’s where the busser and the Border Patrol officer’s situations are different: If I make a mistake, the customer faces a minor inconvenience. The stakes for a Border Patrol agent are much higher. Mistakenly asking for documentation and searching someone can lead to embarrassment or fear—it can even be life-changing. Thus, Border Patrol agents must be fairly certain that someone’s immigration status is questionable before they begin their interrogation.

To avoid these situations altogether, the U.S. must make the path to citizenship for immigrants easier. This is particularly true for immigrants fleeing violence. Many people object to this by saying these immigrants will bring violence with them, but data does not support this view. In 1939, a ship of Jewish refugees from Germany was turned away from the U.S.—a decision viewed negatively through the lens of history. Today, many people advocate restricting immigration for refugees from violent countries; they refuse to learn the lessons from 1939. The sad thing is that many of these immigrants are seen as just as violent as the people they are fleeing. We should not confuse the oppressed with the oppressor.

My restaurant appreciates customers because they bring us money, just as we should appreciate immigrants because they bring us unique perspectives. Equally important, immigrants provide this country with a variety of expert ideas and cultures, which builds better human connections and strengthens our society.

Ethan Peter is a junior. Ethan writes for his school newspaper, The Kirkwood Call, and plays volleyball for his high school and a club team. He hopes to continue to grow as a writer in the future. 

University Winner

Daniel Fries

Lane Community College, Eugene, Ore.

Detained on the Road to Equality

The United States is a nation of immigrants. There are currently 43 million foreign-born people living in the U.S. Millions of them are naturalized American citizens, and 23 million, or 7.2 percent of the population, are living here without documentation (US Census, 2016). One in seven residents of the United States was not born here. Multiculturalism is, and always has been, a key part of the American experience. However, romantic notions of finding a better life in the United States for immigrants and refugees don’t reflect reality. In modern history, America is a country that systematically treats immigrants—documented or not—and non-white Americans in a way that is fundamentally different than what is considered right by the majority.

The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment states,“No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” When a suspected undocumented immigrant is detained, their basic human rights are violated. Warrantless raids on Greyhound buses within 100 miles of the border (an area referred to by some as the “Constitution-free zone”) are clear violations of human rights. These violations are not due to the current state of politics; they are the symptom of blatant racism in the United States and a system that denigrates and abuses people least able to defend themselves.

It is not surprising that some of the mechanisms that drive modern American racism are political in nature. Human beings are predisposed to dislike and distrust individuals that do not conform to the norms of their social group (Mountz, Allison). Some politicians appeal to this suspicion and wrongly attribute high crime rates to non-white immigrants. The truth is that immigrants commit fewer crimes than native-born Americans. In fact, people born in the United States are convicted of crimes at a rate twice that of undocumented non-natives (Cato Institute, 2018).

The majority of immigrants take high risks to seek a better life, giving them incentive to obey the laws of their new country. In many states, any contact with law enforcement may ultimately result in deportation and separation from family. While immigrants commit far fewer crimes, fear of violent crime by much of the U.S. population outweighs the truth. For some politicians, it is easier to sell a border wall to a scared population than it is to explain the need for reformed immigration policy. It’s easier to say that immigrants are taking people’s jobs than explain a changing global economy and its effect on employment. The only crime committed in this instance is discrimination.

Human rights are violated when an undocumented immigrant—or someone perceived as an undocumented immigrant—who has not committed a crime is detained on a Greyhound bus. When a United States citizen is detained on the same bus, constitutional rights are being violated. The fact that this happens every day and that we debate its morality makes it abundantly clear that racism is deeply ingrained in this country. Many Americans who have never experienced this type of oppression lack the capacity to understand its lasting effect. Most Americans don’t know what it’s like to be late to work because they were wrongfully detained, were pulled over by the police for the third time that month for no legal reason, or had to coordinate legal representation for their U.S. citizen grandmother because she was taken off a bus for being a suspected undocumented immigrant. This oppression is cruel and unnecessary.

America doesn’t need a wall to keep out undocumented immigrants; it needs to seriously address how to deal with immigration. It is possible to reform the current system in such a way that anyone can become a member of American society, instead of existing outside of it. If a person wants to live in the United States and agrees to follow its laws and pay its taxes, a path to citizenship should be available.

People come to the U.S. from all over the world for many reasons. Some have no other choice. There are ongoing humanitarian crises in Syria, Yemen, and South America that are responsible for the influx of immigrants and asylum seekers at our borders. If the United States wants to address the current situation, it must acknowledge the global factors affecting the immigrants at the center of this debate and make fact-informed decisions. There is a way to maintain the security of America while treating migrants and refugees compassionately, to let those who wish to contribute to our society do so, and to offer a hand up instead of building a wall.

Daniel Fries studies computer science. Daniel has served as a wildland firefighter in Oregon, California, and Alaska. He is passionate about science, nature, and the ways that technology contributes to making the world a better, more empathetic, and safer place.

Powerful Voice Winner

Emma Hernandez-Sanchez

Wellness, Business and Sports School, Woodburn, Ore.

An Emotion an Immigrant Knows Too Well

Before Donald Trump’s campaign, I was oblivious to my race and the idea of racism. As far as I knew, I was the same as everyone else. I didn’t stop to think about our different-colored skins. I lived in a house with a family and attended school five days a week just like everyone else. So, what made me different?

Seventh grade was a very stressful year—the year that race and racism made an appearance in my life. It was as if a cold splash of water woke me up and finally opened my eyes to what the world was saying. It was this year that Donald Trump started initiating change about who got the right to live in this country and who didn’t. There was a lot of talk about deportation, specifically for Mexicans, and it sparked commotion and fear in me.

I remember being afraid and nervous to go out. At home, the anxiety was there but always at the far back of my mind because I felt safe inside. My fear began as a small whisper, but every time I stepped out of my house, it got louder. I would have dreams about the deportation police coming to my school; when I went to places like the library, the park, the store, or the mall, I would pay attention to everyone and to my surroundings. In my head, I would always ask myself, “Did they give us nasty looks?,” “Why does it seem quieter?” “Was that a cop I just saw?” I would notice little things, like how there were only a few Mexicans out or how empty a store was. When my mom went grocery shopping, I would pray that she would be safe. I was born in America, and both my parents were legally documented. My mom was basically raised here. Still, I couldn’t help but feel nervous.

I knew I shouldn’t have been afraid, but with one look, agents could have automatically thought my family and I were undocumented. Even when the deportation police would figure out that we weren’t undocumented, they’d still figure out a way to deport us—at least that was what was going through my head. It got so bad that I didn’t even want to do the simplest things like go grocery shopping because there was a rumor that the week before a person was taken from Walmart.

I felt scared and nervous, and I wasn’t even undocumented. I can’t even imagine how people who are undocumented must have felt, how they feel. All I can think is that it’s probably ten times worse than what I was feeling. Always worrying about being deported and separated from your family must be hard. I was living in fear, and I didn’t even have it that bad. My heart goes out to families that get separated from each other. It’s because of those fears that I detest the “Constitution-free zone.”

Legally documented and undocumented people who live in the Constitution-free zone are in constant fear of being deported. People shouldn’t have to live this way. In fact, there have been arguments that the 100-mile zone violates the Fourth Amendment, which gives people the right to be protected from unreasonable searches and seizures of property by the government. Unfortunately, the U.S. Supreme Court has consistently upheld these practices.

One question that Lornet Turnbull asks in her YES! article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” is, “How should we decide who is welcome in the U.S and who is not?” Instead of focusing on immigrants, how about we focus on the people who shoot up schools, rape girls, exploit women for human sex trafficking, and sell drugs? These are the people who make our country unsafe; they are the ones who shouldn’t be accepted. Even if they are citizens and have the legal right to live here, they still shouldn’t be included. If they are the ones making this country unsafe, then what gives them the right to live here?

I don’t think that the Constitution-free zone is an effective and justifiable way to make this country more “secure.” If someone isn’t causing any trouble in the United States and is just simply living their life, then they should be welcomed here. We shouldn’t have to live in fear that our rights will be taken away. I believe that it’s unfair for people to automatically think that it’s the Hispanics that make this country unsafe. Sure, get all the undocumented people out of the United States, but it’s not going to make this country any safer. It is a society that promotes violence that makes us unsafe, not a race.

Emma Hernandez-Sanchez is a freshman who is passionate about literature and her education. Emma wan ts to inspire others to be creative and try their best. She enjoys reading and creating stories that spark imagination. 

  Powerful Voice Winner

Tiara Lewis

Columbus City Preparatory Schools for Girls,

Columbus, Ohio

Hold Your Head High and Keep Those Fists Down

How would you feel if you walked into a store and salespeople were staring at you? Making you feel like you didn’t belong. Judging you. Assuming that you were going to take something, even though you might have $1,000 on you to spend. Sometimes it doesn’t matter. This is because people will always judge you. It might not be because of your race but for random reasons, like because your hair is black instead of dirty blonde. Or because your hair is short and not long. Or just because they are having a bad day. People will always find ways to bring you down and accuse you of something, but that doesn’t mean you have to go along with it.

Every time I entered a store, I would change my entire personality. I would change the way I talked and the way I walked. I always saw myself as needing to fit in. If a store was all pink, like the store Justice, I would act like a girly girl. If I was shopping in a darker store, like Hot Topic, I would hum to the heavy metal songs and act more goth. I had no idea that I was feeding into stereotypes.

When I was 11, I walked into Claire’s, a well-known store at the mall. That day was my sister’s birthday. Both of us were really happy and had money to spend. As soon as we walked into the store, two employees stared me and my sister down, giving us cold looks. When we went to the cashier to buy some earrings, we thought everything was fine. However, when we walked out of the store, there was a policeman and security guards waiting. At that moment, my sister and I looked at one another, and I said, in a scared little girl voice, “I wonder what happened? Why are they here?”

Then, they stopped us. We didn’t know what was going on. The same employee that cashed us out was screaming as her eyes got big, “What did you steal?” I was starting to get numb. Me and my sister looked at each other and told the truth: “We didn’t steal anything. You can check us.” They rudely ripped through our bags and caused a big scene. My heart was pounding like a drum. I felt violated and scared. Then, the policeman said, “Come with us. We need to call your parents.” While this was happening, the employees were talking to each other, smiling. We got checked again. The police said that they were going to check the cameras, but after they were done searching us, they realized that we didn’t do anything wrong and let us go about our day.

Walking in the mall was embarrassing—everybody staring, looking, and whispering as we left the security office. This made me feel like I did something wrong while knowing I didn’t. We went back to the store to get our shopping bags. The employees sneered, “Don’t you niggers ever come in this store again. You people always take stuff. This time you just got lucky.” Their faces were red and frightening. It was almost like they were in a scary 3D movie, screaming, and coming right at us. I felt hurt and disappointed that someone had the power within them to say something so harsh and wrong to another person. Those employees’ exact words will forever be engraved in my memory.

In the article, “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’,” Lornet Turnbull states, “In January, they stopped a man in Indio, California, as he was boarding a Los Angeles-bound bus. While questioning this man about his immigration status, agents told him his ‘shoes looked suspicious,’ like those of someone who had recently crossed the border.” They literally judged him by his shoes. They had no proof of anything. If a man is judged by his shoes, who else and what else are being judged in the world?

In the novel  To Kill a Mockingbird , a character named Atticus states, “You just hold your head high and keep those fists down. No matter what anybody says to you, don’t you let’em get your goat. Try fighting with your head for a change.” No matter how much you might try to change yourself, your hairstyle, and your clothes, people will always make assumptions about you. However, you never need to change yourself to make a point or to feel like you fit in. Be yourself. Don’t let those stereotypes turn into facts.

Tiara Lewis is in the eighth grade. Tiara plays the clarinet and is trying to change the world— one essay at a time. She is most often found curled up on her bed, “Divergent” in one hand and a cream-filled doughnut in the other.

Hailee Park

 Wielding My Swords

If I were a swordsman, my weapons would be my identities. I would wield one sword in my left hand and another in my right. People expect me to use both fluently, but I’m not naturally ambidextrous. Even though I am a right-handed swordsman, wielding my dominant sword with ease, I must also carry a sword in my left, the heirloom of my family heritage. Although I try to live up to others’ expectations by using both swords, I may appear inexperienced while attempting to use my left. In some instances, my heirloom is mistaken for representing different families’ since the embellishments look similar.

Many assumptions are made about my heirloom sword based on its appearance, just as many assumptions are made about me based on my physical looks. “Are you Chinese?” When I respond with ‘no,’ they stare at me blankly in confusion. There is a multitude of Asian cultures in the United States, of which I am one. Despite what many others may assume, I am not Chinese; I am an American-born Korean.

“Then… are you Japanese?” Instead of asking a broader question, like “What is your ethnicity?,” they choose to ask a direct question. I reply that I am Korean. I like to think that this answers their question sufficiently; however, they think otherwise. Instead, I take this as their invitation to a duel.

They attack me with another question: “Are you from North Korea or South Korea?” I don’t know how to respond because I’m not from either of those countries; I was born in America. I respond with “South Korea,” where my parents are from because I assume that they’re asking me about my ethnicity. I’m not offended by this situation because I get asked these questions frequently. From this experience, I realize that people don’t know how to politely ask questions about identity to those unlike them. Instead of asking “What is your family’s ethnicity?,” many people use rude alternatives, such as “Where are you from?,” or “What language do you speak?”

When people ask these questions, they make assumptions based on someone’s appearance. In my case, people make inferences like:

“She must be really good at speaking Korean.”

“She’s Asian; therefore, she must be born in Asia.”

“She’s probably Chinese.”

These thoughts may appear in their heads because making assumptions is natural. However, there are instances when assumptions can be taken too far. Some U.S. Border Patrol agents in the “Constitution-free zone” have made similar assumptions based on skin color and clothing. For example, agents marked someone as an undocumented immigrant because “his shoes looked suspicious, like those of someone who had recently crossed the border.”

Another instance was when a Jamaican grandmother was forced off a bus when she was visiting her granddaughter. The impetus was her accent and the color of her skin. Government officials chose to act on their assumptions, even though they had no solid proof that the grandmother was an undocumented immigrant. These situations just touch the surface of the issue of racial injustice in America.

When someone makes unfair assumptions about me, they are pointing their sword and challenging me to a duel; I cannot refuse because I am already involved. It is not appropriate for anyone, including Border Patrol agents, to make unjustified assumptions or to act on those assumptions. Border Patrol agents have no right to confiscate the swords of the innocent solely based on their conjectures. The next time I’m faced with a situation where racially ignorant assumptions are made about me, I will refuse to surrender my sword, point it back at them, and triumphantly fight their ignorance with my cultural pride.

Hailee Park is an eighth grader who enjoys reading many genres. While reading, Hailee recognized the racial injustices against immigrants in America, which inspired her essay. Hailee plays violin in her school’s orchestra and listens to and composes music. 

Aminata Toure

East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

We Are Still Dreaming

As a young Muslim American woman, I have been labeled things I am not: a terrorist, oppressed, and an ISIS supporter. I have been accused of planning 9/11, an event that happened before I was born. Lately, in the media, Muslims have been portrayed as supporters of a malevolent cause, terrorizing others just because they do not have the same beliefs. I often scoff at news reports that portray Muslims in such a light, just as I scoff at all names I’ve been labeled. They are words that do not define me. 

In a land where labels have stripped immigrants of their personalities, they are now being stripped of something that makes them human: their rights. The situation described in Lornet Turnbull’s article, “Two-Thirds of Americans are Living in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’,” goes directly against the Constitution, the soul of this country, something that asserts that we are all equal before the law. If immigrants do not have protection from the Constitution, is there any way to feel safe?

Although most insults are easy to shrug off, they are still threatening. I am ashamed when I feel afraid to go to the mosque. Friday is an extremely special day when we gather together to pray, but lately, I haven’t been going to the mosque for Jummah prayers. I have realized that I can never feel safe when in a large group of Muslims because of the widespread hatred of Muslims in the United States, commonly referred to as Islamophobia. Police surround our mosque, and there are posters warning us about dangerous people who might attack our place of worship because we have been identified as terrorists.

I wish I could tune out every news report that blasts out the headline “Terrorist Attack!” because I know that I will be judged based on the actions of someone else. Despite this anti-Muslim racism, what I have learned from these insults is that I am proud of my faith. I am a Muslim, but being Muslim doesn’t define me. I am a writer, a student, a dreamer, a friend, a New Yorker, a helper, and an American. I am unapologetically me, a Muslim, and so much more. I definitely think everyone should get to know a Muslim. They would see that some of us are also Harry Potter fans, not just people planning to bomb the White House.

Labels are unjustly placed on us because of the way we speak, the color of our skin, and what we believe in—not for who we are as individuals. Instead, we should all take more time to get to know one another. As Martin Luther King Jr. said in his “I Have a Dream” speech, we should be judged by the content of our character and not the color of our skin. To me, it seems Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream is a dream that should be a reality. But, for now, we are dreaming.

Aminata Toure is a Guinean American Muslim student. Aminata loves spoken-word poetry and performs in front of hundreds of people at her school’s annual poetry slam. She loves writing, language, history, and West African food and culture. Aminata wants to work at the United Nations when she grows up.

From the Author 

Dear Alessandra, Cain, Daniel, Tiara, Emma, Hailee, Aminata and Ethan,

I am moved and inspired by the thought each of you put into your responses to my story about this so-called “Constitution-free zone.” Whether we realize it or not, immigration in this country impacts all of us— either because we are immigrants ourselves, have neighbors, friends, and family who are, or because we depend on immigrants for many aspects of our lives—from the food we put on our tables to the technology that bewitches us. It is true that immigrants enrich our society in so many important ways, as many of you point out.

And while the federal statute that permits U.S. Border Patrol officers to stop and search at will any of the 200 million of us in this 100-mile shadow border, immigrants have been their biggest targets. In your essays, you highlight how unjust the law is—nothing short of racial profiling. It is heartening to see each of you, in your own way, speaking out against the unfairness of this practice.

Alessandra, you are correct, the immigration system in this country is in shambles. You make a powerful argument about how profiling ostracizes entire communities and how the warrantless searches allowed by this statute impede trust-building between law enforcement and the people they are called on to serve.

And Cain, you point out how this 100-mile zone, along with other laws in the state of Texas where you attended school, make people feel like they’re “always under surveillance, and that, at any moment, you may be pulled over to be questioned and detained.” It seems unimaginable that people live their lives this way, yet millions in this country do.

You, Emma, for example, speak of living in a kind of silent fear since Donald Trump took office, even though you were born in this country and your parents are here legally. You are right, “We shouldn’t have to live in fear that our rights will be taken away.”

And Aminata, you write of being constantly judged and labeled because you’re a Muslim American. How unfortunate and sad that in a country that generations of people fled to search for religious freedom, you are ashamed at times to practice your own. The Constitution-free zone, you write, “goes directly against the Constitution, the soul of this country, something that asserts that we are all equal before the law.”

Tiara, I could personally relate to your gripping account of being racially profiled and humiliated in a store. You were appalled that the Greyhound passenger in California was targeted by Border Patrol because they claimed his shoes looked like those of someone who had walked across the border: “If a man is judged by his shoes,” you ask, “who else and what else are getting judged in the world?”

Hailee, you write about the incorrect assumptions people make about you, an American born of Korean descent, based solely on your appearance and compared it to the assumptions Border Patrol agents make about those they detain in this zone.

Daniel, you speak of the role of political fearmongering in immigration. It’s not new, but under the current administration, turning immigrants into boogiemen for political gain is currency. You write that “For some politicians, it is easier to sell a border wall to a scared population than it is to explain the need for reformed immigration policy.”

And Ethan, you recognize the contributions immigrants make to this country through the connections we all make with them and the strength they bring to our society.

Keep speaking your truth. Use your words and status to call out injustice wherever and whenever you see it. Untold numbers of people spoke out against this practice by Border Patrol and brought pressure on Greyhound to change. In December, the company began offering passengers written guidance—in both Spanish and English—so they understand what their rights are when officers board their bus. Small steps, yes, but progress nonetheless, brought about by people just like you, speaking up for those who sometimes lack a voice to speak up for themselves.

With sincere gratitude,

Lornet Turnbull

Lornet Turnbull is an editor for YES! and a Seattle-based freelance writer. Follow her on Twitter  @TurnbullL .

We received many outstanding essays for the Winter 2019 Student Writing Competition. Though not every participant can win the contest, we’d like to share some excerpts that caught our eye:

After my parents argued with the woman, they told me if you can fight with fists, you prove the other person’s point, but when you fight with the power of your words, you can have a much bigger impact. I also learned that I should never be ashamed of where I am from. —Fernando Flores, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

Just because we were born here and are privileged to the freedom of our country, we do not have the right to deprive others of a chance at success. —Avalyn Cox, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

Maybe, rather than a wall, a better solution to our immigration problem would be a bridge. —Sean Dwyer, Lane Community College, Eugene, Ore.

If anything, what I’ve learned is that I don’t know what to do. I don’t know how to change our world. I don’t know how to make a difference, how to make my voice heard. But I have learned the importance of one word, a simple two-letter word that’s taught to the youngest of us, a word we all know but never recognize: the significance of ‘we.’ —Enna Chiu, Highland Park High School, Highland Park, N.J.

Not to say the Border Patrol should not have authorization to search people within the border, but I am saying it should be near the border, more like one mile, not 100. —Cooper Tarbuck, Maranacook Middle School, Manchester, Maine.

My caramel color, my feminism, my Spanish and English language, my Mexican culture, and my young Latina self gives me the confidence to believe in myself, but it can also teach others that making wrong assumptions about someone because of their skin color, identity, culture, looks or gender can make them look and be weaker. —Ana Hernandez, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

We don’t need to change who we are to fit these stereotypes like someone going on a diet to fit into a new pair of pants. —Kaylee Meyers, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

If a human being with no criminal background whatsoever has trouble entering the country because of the way he or she dresses or speaks, border protection degenerates into arbitrariness. —Jonas Schumacher, Heidelberg University of Education, Heidelberg, Germany

I believe that you should be able to travel freely throughout your own country without the constant fear of needing to prove that you belong here . —MacKenzie Morgan, Lincoln Middle School, Ypsilanti, Mich.

America is known as “the Land of Opportunity,” but this label is quickly disappearing. If we keep stopping those striving for a better life, then what will become of this country? —Ennyn Chiu, Highland Park Middle School, Highland Park, N.J.

The fact that two-thirds of the people in the U.S. are living in an area called the “Constitution-free zone” is appalling. Our Constitution was made to protect our rights as citizens, no matter where we are in the country. These systems that we are using to “secure” our country are failing, and we need to find a way to change them. —Isis Liaw, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

I won’t let anyone, especially a man, tell me what I can do, because I am a strong Latina. I will represent where I come from, and I am proud to be Mexican. I will show others that looks can be deceiving. I will show others that even the weakest animal, a beautiful butterfly, is tough, and it will cross any border, no matter how challenging the journey may be. —Brittany Leal, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

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Immigration and Stress

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2021 Theses Doctoral

Three Essays on International Migration

Huang, Xiaoning

Today, there are about 250 million international migrants globally, and the number is increasing each year. Immigrants have contributed to the global economy, bridged cultural and business exchanges between host and home countries, and increased ethnic, racial, social, and cultural diversity in the host societies. Immigrants have also been overgeneralized about, misunderstood, scapegoated, and discriminated against. Understanding what drives international migration, who migrate, and how immigrants fare in destination has valuable theoretical, practical, and policy implications. This dissertation consists of three essays on international immigration. The first paper aims to test a series of immigration theories by studying immigrant skill-selection into South Africa and the United States. Most of the research on the determinants of immigrant skill selection has been focusing on immigrants in the United States and other developed destination countries. However, migration has been growing much faster in recent years between developing countries. This case study offers insights into the similarities and differences of immigration theories within the contexts of international migration into South Africa and the US. This project is funded by the Hamilton Research Fellowship of Columbia School of Social Work. The second paper narrows down the focus onto Asian immigrants in the United States, studying how the skill-selection of Asian immigrants from different regions has evolved over the past four decades. Asian sending countries have experienced tremendous growth in their economy and educational infrastructure. The rapid development provides an excellent opportunity to test the theories on the associations between emigrants’ skill-selection and sending countries’ income, inequality, and education level. On the other hand, during the study period, the United States has had massive expansion employment-based immigration system, followed by cutbacks in immigration policies. I study the association between immigration patterns and these policies to draw inferences on how the changes in immigration policies have affected the skill selection of Asian immigrants. This research is funded by Columbia University Weatherhead East Asia Institute’s Dorothy Borg Research Program Dissertation Research Fellowship. The third paper centers on the less-educated immigrant groups in the US and investigates the gap in welfare use between less-educated immigrant and native households during 1995-2018, spanning periods of economic recessions and recoveries, changes in welfare policy regimes, and policies towards immigrants. I use “decomposition analysis” to study to what extend demographic factors, macroeconomic trends, and welfare and immigration policy could explain the disparities in welfare participation between immigrants and natives. This paper is co-authored with Dr. Neeraj Kaushal from Columbia School of Social Work and Dr. Julia Shu-Huah Wang from the University of Hong Kong. The work has been published in Population Research and Policy Review (doi.org/10.1007/s11113-020-09621-8).

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• Race discrimination
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Migration and mental health: An interface

H. g. virupaksha.

Department of Psychiatric Social Work, NIMHANS, Bengaluru, Karnataka, India

Ashok Kumar

Bergai parthsarathy nirmala.

Migration is a universal phenomenon, which existed with the subsistence of the human beings on earth. People migrate from one place to another for several reasons, but the goal or main reason behind changing the residence would be improving their living conditions or to escape from debts and poverty. Migration is also a social phenomenon which influences human life and the environment around. Hence, migration has a great impact on any geographical area and it is known as one of the three basic components of population growth of any particular region (the other two are, mortality and fertility). Migration involves certain phases to go through; hence, it is a process. Many times, lack of preparedness, difficulties in adjusting to the new environment, the complexity of the local system, language difficulties, cultural disparities and adverse experiences would cause distress to the migrants. Moreover subsequently it has a negative impact on mental well-being of such population. Due to globalization, modernization, improved technologies and developments in all the sectors, the migration and its impact on human well-being is a contemporary issue; hence, here is an attempt to understand the migration and its impact on the mental health of the migrants based on the studies conducted around.

INTRODUCTION — UNDERSTANDING MIGRATION

Human migration is an ancient phenomenon that started along with the subsistence of human beings on earth. It influences human life and the environment around; hence it is known as one of the three basic components of population growth of any geographical area (the other two are mortality and fertility). Moving from one place to another for a better living conditions, food, employment, education, business etc. has been taking place since ancient days. When a person shifts his residence from one political or administrative boundary to another, it is known as “migration.” Migration is a social phenomenon and can be understood as a part of society. Migration also called as a process of people adapting to a new environment which involves making decision, preparations, going through the procedure, shifting physically to another geographical area, adjusting to the local cultural needs and becoming a part of the local system. When a person goes through this process it will make a definite influence on his/her life as a whole.

Migration has been increasing largely at international level especially since the last decade. Today it is estimated that 3.1% of the world population are internationally migrated; in other words, 214 million people are known as international migrants currently. Due to socio-cultural diversity it is expected to rise further in coming days.[ 1 ]

The concept of migration is a broader one and different synonyms have been used for the people who migrate. It is based on the type of process involved in it and the reasons for such migration. These terms are, emigrant, immigrant, refugee (A person who is residing outside the country of his or her origin due to fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion), Asylum Seeker (A person who has left his country of origin for any reason and applied for the shelter and protection in other country), internally displaced person (A person who is forced to leave his or her home/region because of unfavorable conditions such as political, social, environmental, etc. but does not cross any boundaries) etc.

WHY DO PEOPLE MIGRATE?

People migrate from one place to another place for many reasons such as, education, employment opportunities and weather issues and so on. However there are a number of theories that have been developed to understand the different factors, which influence people to leave a particular place and move to another, e.g., Ravenstein (1885) provides laws of migration as follow;

• Every migration flow generates a return or counter-migration.
• The majority of migrants moves a short distance.
• Migrants who move longer distances tend to choose big-city destinations.
• Urban residents are often less migratory than the inhabitants of rural areas.
• Families are less likely to make international moves than young adults.
• Most migrants are adults.
• Large towns grow by migration rather than natural increase.

Lee (1966) provided the “push-pull theory” which lists out the numbers of factors that push people from the place of origin and the factors which attract people to the place of destination. The push and pull factors are as follows:

Wolport (1965), provided the theory, known as “the situational approach” says that people migrate when the value of “place utility” of a location is greater than other locations; the value of “place utility” involves social, economic and other costs and benefits that the person gets in a particular location.

In the historical approach, Joseph (1988) says that migration occurs from time to time due to the pressures and counter-pressures both from the internal and external sources and due to the structural transformation of socio-economic and political setup.

Carl Marks argues that, the pauperization of the working class due to the expansion of capitalism is the major base for all forms of migrations.

Types of migration

The concept of “migration” is wider which can be classified into several types based on the characteristics and the process involved in it;

Patterns of migration

The patterns of migration have been identified as short distance migration, rural to rural migration, long distance migration, rural to urban and vice versa. In the international setting the migration patterns have been identified broadly as North American System, Western Europe System, Persian Gulf System, Asia-Pacific System and Southern Cone System. The migration happens mostly in the above patterns.

In India the patterns of migration have been changed due to social-cultural, economic, political and legal factors. As the result of industrialization and economic development people started to migrate in large numbers; it is usually from villages to towns, from towns to other towns/cities and to other countries also. The patterns of migration in India can be seen in terms of short distance, medium and long distance migration. Wherein short distance migration women have largely migrated because of the tradition of exogamy, it is even more predominant among the population of lower socio-economic status. Rural to rural migration has been decreasing and rural to urban and urban to urban migrations have been increasing, where medium and long distance migrations take place and here both sexes seem to be equal.[ 3 ]

The process of migration has a definite influence on health, social, economic, cultural, religious and political aspects of human life and the region. Since the beginning the people have been studying the impact of migration on different aspects of the human life and among these, impact on the mental health of the migrants is one important area which has been attracting the people as well.

When individuals migrate from one place to another place, the process involves a series of factors, such as preparations and fulfilling all procedures, reaching the destination, adjusting to the new culture and society, compromising with their beliefs and practices, accommodation, assimilation etc., this process may not be favorable to everyone. There are some special groups such as women, children, elderly, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals, etc. who are more prone to certain mental health issues during the migration process.

MIGRATION AND MENTAL HEALTH: AN INTERFACE

Migration-health and lifestyle.

In the year of 1932 Odergaard conducted a research to know migration and its connection with mental health of migrants. He found that the people who migrated (Norwegian emigrants to Minnesota, USA) had genetically predisposed psychosis and later they developed Schizophrenia. He pointed out that when people are vulnerable to mental illnesses, they are more prone to develop disorders in subsequent to migration. It shows that migration becomes a precipitating factor for mental illnesses due to the various barriers that people come across in the migration process and in the post migration period.[ 4 ]

The children who migrated from developing countries (e.g. of Maya) to developed countries (USA), though they had good physical growth and health, they became overweight and obese and developed an unhealthy life-style compared with local children. It shows that when the pattern of migration involves the migration from developing countries to developed countries, people will find it difficult to continue their healthy life-style and prone to adopt an unhealthy life-style due to the complex factors that the migration process involves. This pattern of migration may negatively affect the health of the migrants.[ 5 ] The migrant adolescents have reported worse mental health symptoms and highly engaged in risk behaviors compared with the native Israel counterparts, it was even significantly higher when compared with the second generation migrant adolescents.[ 6 ]

More often the migrants of developed countries who migrated from developing and middle income countries are recognized as, high risk group for human immunodeficiency virus/ acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS). This indicates the phenomenon may be because of the social exclusion, discrimination, cultural and language barriers in offering and accessing the health and other services at the place of destination. It shows the complexities of migration; the people who migrate from developing countries to developed countries are hesitating to access the needed services including health services. And more often the services are not inclusive because of which social and health related issues are more prevalent among migrants.[ 7 ]

Self-esteem and coping strategies

Self-esteem is understood as a general attitude toward the worth or value of oneself and it refers to the individual's evaluation of the discrepancy between the self-image and ideal self.[ 8 ] A large discrepancy between the self-image and ideal self will result in low self-esteem.[ 9 , 10 ] Self-esteem is basically social in nature and develops along with the interaction with the society around; for students the peer group, teachers have great influence on its development.[ 8 ] The re-evaluation and modifications happen in self-esteem during the transition periods such as migration.[ 11 ] The research studies have proved that the self-esteem influences the overall functioning of the individual; inevitably the girl children who enrolled at primary school after internal migration (in Turkey) found to come across a number of challenges after coming to a new school environment. These hurdles are seen mainly in terms of adjusting to the new system, language barrier, poor socio-economic background, peer relationship, discrimination and bullying from others. These factors found to be having a negative impact directly and indirectly on these children where their academic performance, attendance were very poor compared to local children. The respondents (children) reported moments often having self-doubts, thinking that the local counterparts have been right always more prosperous and successful, whereas they remain backward perpetually contributing to feelings of inadequacy and difference and poor self-image. Further they became victims of bullying by the local children and they developed feelings of anxious, helplessness, sometimes suicidal thoughts by self-degrading and self-blame.[ 12 ] The study attempt to highlights the negative patterns of coping styles of the children in the post migration phase.

Impact on people left behind

When compared the health status and life-style of the older population of Thailand, the older people whose at least one child had migrated from the family had very poor physical and mental health status including exposed to chronic diseases, had poor perceived health and very poor help seeking behavior and accessing to available services compared with those whose child or children have not migrated.[ 13 ]

In south-east-Asian countries, the children whose parents were migrated to other countries, found to be less happy, less enjoyable, poor academic performance and poor resilience compared with children of non-migrant families. It shows that migration of parents has a negative impact on children's social life and health.[ 14 ]

Studies conducted in India

In the cross-sectional survey of people living in Sangam Vihar, New Delhi, the slum residents where majority of them is migrated from other states of India, found to be most at risk for mental illnesses. Poor social support, relationship problems with other members of the family, increased worry about health, easily getting angry and irritated, lack of satisfaction about the living condition etc. are the major findings from the survey which indicate the poor psycho-social health status of the internally migrated population.[ 15 ]

The majority of migratory quarry workers is mostly exhibiting varieties of somatic and neurotic symptoms for a long period of time. They have a poor awareness about their mental health as well as have a very poor help seeking behavior.[ 16 ]

The refugee children from Sri Lanka, who are staying in residential school in Bangalore, have come across a number of high stressful life events; some of them have witnessed the violence, some of them have lost their parents. The children are exhibiting adjustmental problems with the environment, low self-esteem and emotional problems. They have high psychological and social distress, which indicates a poor mental health status of the refugee children.[ 17 ]

The psychiatric morbidity was more (predominantly depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and generalized anxiety disorders) among Kashmiri migrants (33.66%), who were staying in Muthi camp at Jammu, compared with non-migrants (26%). The major observation of the study is that, there is a need for improving the socio-economic status of migrants and providing them effective psychiatric services.[ 18 ]

The occurrence rate of psychiatric disorders among migrated refugee population (who came to India after partition) of Lucknow was 9.6% compared with non-migrant local population, which was 4.2%. The psychiatric patients (majority was suffering from psychoneuroses, depression and enuresis) among the migrated group were been suffering for >10 years and mostly belong to older aged group.[ 19 ]

Migration positively associated with the wellbeing of migrants

Migration is found to be the factor for improvements in social and mental health status of migrants, who migrated to New Zealand form Tonga when compared with the native population; it is truer especially among women and the group who had a lower mental health status in their country of origin before the migration. There are factors which improved the mental health of migrants in place of destination that include, living as permanent residents for longer periods (<3 years), good employment opportunities, joining family members and/or community members who are already in the destination place, accessing better public services such as health care and being subject to less cultural restrictions.[ 20 ]

The prevalence of mental health issues among the migrant population is shown in the table;

RESPONDING TO MENTAL HEALTH ISSUES OF MIGRANTS

The research studies from different parts of the world reveal that migration is a complex process which affects the people differently. Most often it is associated with stressful events, barriers and challenges because of which the psycho-social issues and other health issues are more prevalent among the migrants compared with the native population. In responding to this, several research studies have tried to draw some approaches and suggested preventive, promotive and curative strategies. And lots of efforts have also been taken at local, national and international levels by the governments, organizations and individuals.

Interventions at the global level

The International Organization for migration has come into force on 1951, headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. Since then it has been involved in formulating and implementing varieties of activities and programs to help the migrant population. Some of them are:

• Resettlement and repatriation services of refugees
• Assisted voluntary return and reintegration program
• Counter trafficking services
• Immigration and visa support service
• Recruitment and employment facilities
• Migration training program
• Migration health assessments and travel assistance service
• Health promotion
• Migration health assistance to crisis-affected population and so on.

The above programs are aimed at trying to make the migration process easier and less complicated and responding and assisting those who are negatively affected from the migration.

Administrative level interventions

There are many countries have started services for migrants such as trans-cultural mental health units in Paris, Bordeaux, Strasbourg etc., units for victims of torture and forced exile started by Paris, Marseille, Lyon etc., The global forum on migration and development, regional consultative processes on migration, improvements in the protection of migrants’ rights by International Labor Organization and so on programs have started world-wide in order to reduce the psychological and social distress among migrants.

Limitations of the interventions

However in spite of the availability of services to migrants the accessibility of the available services from the migrants is very poor. It shows there are many barriers, which are blocking them in accessing such services. These barriers are mainly such as, cultural and linguistic barriers, belief in non-medical interventions, the necessity of producing legal documents and fulfilling the eligibility criteria for accessing health care services and poor help seeking behavior. It is very important to address these hurdles in order to address the psycho-social and health issues of the migrants.

Suggestions — interventions at clinical setting

Some of the suggestions drawn in order to tackle the above said hurdles are, using cultural formulation while dealing with psycho-social issues of migrants, building therapeutic alliance and trust, making services inclusive and accessible, good quality interpreter services, appropriate training for clinicians and interpreters, improving health literacy, developing participatory and collaborative partnerships with the migrant populations, achieving cultural competence etc.[ 23 , 24 ]

Migration process has specific stresses in its each phase on migrants; the specific psychological distress is influenced by the nature of the migration experience that the person undergoes. The communication difficulties due to language and cultural differences, adverse experiences before, during and after migration, traditional beliefs, coping patterns, socio-economic status of the family, non-favorable familial dynamics are the major challenges for migrants; hence people may not expect or prepared enough for these unexpected hurdles. When migrants identified with psychological distress or approach for help, the clinicians need to be trained and equipped enough to address these issues. They have to inquire systematically-the whole process of migration, social, vocational and family aspects of functioning, cultural background, socio-economic status, comparing pre-migration to post migration status etc. These will help in understanding and identifying the problems in adapting to the new society. The clinicians should take assistance of trained interpreters and culture brokers; they may also meet the other family members for thorough information and should make use of the existing community organizations of the particular ethnicity. These strategies will help the clinicians to identify the stressor or the problem, formulate the appropriate intervention/treatment strategy, prevent the psycho-social distresses and promote the psycho-social wellbeing of the migrants.[ 25 ]

Community based interventions

Some of the research studies have tried to respond to the tribulations of the migrants through drawing the interventions at community level. One of the research studies states that, “there is a need for change in delivering services to the migrant population in distress; the cottage-based-model found to be more effective than traditional health care delivery to the geriatric long-term care residents during the migration. The consumers, their family members and the staffs have felt that the model is more helpful in improving the health status, social activities of the consumers.”[ 26 ]

The community based intervention which involves “community mobilization” and “comprehensive voluntary counseling and testing services” among migrated rural community of Shanghai has proved a significant improvements in the promotion of voluntary HIV counseling and testing (VCT) acceptance and utilization, knowledge about HIV/AIDS, positive attitude towards HIV positive individuals and condom use compared with the traditional VCT services.[ 27 ]

Along with the policies, practices and resettlement opportunities, the existence of ethno-cultural organizations and religious institutions are highly important in supporting the migrants in the process of adaptation in legal, religious and social aspects. These ethnic communities and religious organizations welcome the migrants, provide the sense of belonging and try to reduce the impact of migration losses, isolation and discrimination as well.[ 28 , 29 , 30 ] Hence it is very important to the local bodies or the administrations to recognize, support and developing networking among the existing communities and religious organizations in order to mobilize the psycho-social support and the necessary resources for the migrant population especially who are in distress.[ 31 ]

Group based interventions

The “self-help group (SHG)” and “Cognitive Behaviour Therapy” group interventions were found to be partially useful among the migrated women who were diagnosed with recurrent depressive disorder. During the group intervention sessions, family affairs and difficulties in pertaining to their husbands and children need for social networks, dealing with loneliness, being unable to meet with the demands of the day to day life, were the main issues discussed as the members preferred. The group interventions found to be useful in symptom reduction, increased amount of mutual trust among the members, acquiring problem solving skills and regaining their strengths. Most of the members also expressed their will to continue the group meetings informally during the follow-up. However the respondents were disappointed about the way the therapy was offered and the results suggest, culture sensitive treatment by ethnic, same-gendered professional on individual based is more useful.[ 32 ] Along with SHG and cognitive behavioral therapy the ‘psychodrama, psychotherapy, eye-movement-desensitization and reprocessing forms of group interventions have been provided for the migrant populations who are suffering from mental health problems such as depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and so on and they have proved to be helpful to some extent in reducing the symptoms and improving the functionality.[ 33 , 34 , 35 ]

The above studies try to prove the efficacy of different strategies and strongly suggest the need for formulating a variety of/combination of interventions such as, administrative, legislative, group and community based intervention in responding successfully to mental health or psycho-social issues of migrant population. The intervention strategies have to be formulated at the individual level, local level, community level, policy level and national or international level; the local and international organizations, governments and the individuals, every one's efforts are crucial here. The inclusion of services and mutual respect of cultural aspects is vital as well.

Migration is a contemporary, complex phenomenon in which the main intention behind is betterment or escaping from the non-favorable factors. Hence migration need not to be stressful all the time, but when there is no proper preparation and no social support, complexities present, barriers and differences involved, there will be definite distress; no matter whether it is international or internal migration. The research studies have shown that, most of the time migration is a vulnerable factor to develop Mental Health complications. Due to the insecurity feelings and non-availability of their own community members, the distress would turn into mental health consequences or other forms of health complications. The studies also pointed out that the local and international efforts to responding to these problems are inadequate and deficient. There is an immense need of making avail, accessible and affordable of the public and health services. Making the services inclusive, culture specific and culture free, providing necessary training for the personnel, making use of culture brokers and trained interpreters should happen in all the levels. Providing the information about migration, preparing the migrants, ensuring the necessary health and public services will help in preventing expected psychological distress and promoting mental health well-being among migrants. There is a wide scope for research studies to investigate further to have in-depth understanding of the pattern of mental health problems and formulating more effective intervention strategies in preventing the distress and promoting the psycho-social well-being of the migrants.

Source of Support: Nil

Conflict of Interest: None declared.

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• Published: 14 June 2024

Climate-induced migration in the Global South: an in depth analysis

• Abdulaziz I. Almulhim   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5384-7219 1 ,
• Gabriela Nagle Alverio   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7050-3381 2 ,
• Ayyoob Sharifi   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8983-8613 3 ,
• Rajib Shaw   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3153-1800 4 ,
• Saleemul Huq 5 ,
• Md Juel Mahmud 5 ,
• Shakil Ahmad 6 &
• Ismaila Rimi Abubakar   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7994-2302 7  

npj Climate Action volume  3 , Article number:  47 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Climate-change mitigation

Scientists predict ongoing global climate change to trigger adverse events affecting about 143 million people in the Global South by 2050, leading to various forms of migration and mobility. While existing literature extensively examines climate-induced migration, there is a lack of studies considering the compounding impacts of multiple climate hazards on migration, mobility, and immobility. To address this gap, we conducted a systematic literature review to explore how climate-induced stressors, specifically rising temperatures, water stress and droughts, and floods and sea-level rise, have affected populations in the Global South, leading to voluntary and/or forced migration. Our findings show that these stressors have displaced and profoundly impacted millions of people, resulting in both internal and transboundary migration. Climate-induced stressors often trigger migration through indirect pathways influenced by multiple intervening institutional, political, and socio-economic factors and programmatic and policy gaps. Effectively addressing challenges related to climate-induced migration necessitates adaptation strategies that adequately consider the impacts of these intervening factors while recognizing their differential effects on various socio-demographic groups. We argue that support from Global North countries, including compensation for loss and damage, along with continued institutional and financial support from international non-governmental organizations, is crucial for managing climate-induced migration in the Global South. Without proper planning and adequate resources, migration may escalate and significantly impact human security. The findings of this study can inform climate migration policies and assist adaptation and migration experts in identifying intervention mechanisms and opportunities for people-centered climate solutions.

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Introduction.

Climate change poses significant threats to human well-being, security, and livelihoods. According to the World Meteorological Organization 1 , global temperatures have risen since the 1980s, with the period from 2015–2023 identified as the warmest on record. Prior to 2023, the highest global temperature recorded occurred in 2016 due to an exceptionally strong El Niño event 2 . However, in 2023, this record was surpassed, with the global average temperature reaching 17.18 degrees Celsius 3 . Alongside rising temperatures, climate change is also causing an increase in extreme and adverse weather events such as sea-level rise, floods, hurricanes, heatwaves, and droughts, which are becoming more frequent and widespread 4 , 5 .

As a result of these increasing threats, there is a noticeable shift in patterns of human mobility, and it is predicted that the number of affected individuals will grow exponentially in the coming decades 6 . In the year 2020 alone, over 40.5 million people were forced to relocate, with 30.7 million of them being directly impacted by natural hazards 7 . Floods and storms were responsible for the displacement of 14 million individuals each, with Asia and the Pacific being severely affected regions, experiencing substantial human displacement and damage to buildings and infrastructure 8 .

Sustainable development goal (SDG) 10, which focuses on reducing inequalities within and among countries, emphasizes the importance of safe, orderly, and accountable mobility and migration (Target 7). However, climate-related extreme weather events, such as water scarcity and food shortages, hinder the achievement of this goal 9 . By 2050, it is projected that about 143 million individuals in the Global South will be displaced due to climate change impacts 10 . To address this SDG target, it is crucial to critically assess the consequences of climate change on migration, particularly in vulnerable regions like Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), Southeast Asia, and the wider Pacific region 11 , 12 , 13 .

While a few studies have explored the relationship between migration and climate change in the Global South, there is a dearth of comprehensive synthesis studies that systematically review the current state of knowledge about the connection between major climate hazards and migration outcomes in the region. Hence, the primary aim of this study is to examine the influence of increasing temperatures, water stress and drought, floods, and sea-level rise—tripartite environmental factors driven by climate change—on migration patterns in the Global South. Through a systematic review, the study aims to answer the following questions: Which climate-induced hazards and stressors have been extensively studied in the literature on the Global South? How do these hazards and stressors affect migration in Global South countries? What are the mediating factors that either impede or promote climate change-induced migration?

This study makes a significant contribution by synthesizing the findings of a comprehensive review of the intricate and multi-faceted interactions between climate change stressors and migration in the Global South. By providing policymakers and planners with valuable insights, this study aids in formulating targeted interventions and strategies to address the specific needs and vulnerabilities of different regions affected by climate-induced migration. The subsequent section of the paper includes a literature background on the nexus between climate and migration, as well as climate impacts in different regions of the Global South. The next section describes the materials and methods employed for systematically gathering and analyzing the literature. It is followed by the presentation of the findings. The subsequent section discusses the results in the context of the existing body of knowledge and explores their implications. The paper concludes with key lessons, limitations, and suggestions for future research directions.

Literature background and context

The climate and migration nexus.

There is a lack of consensus regarding the terminology for individuals who migrate due to climate or environmental factors, as climate change interacts with other drivers of migration in complex ways 14 , 15 . Climate change impacts, such as water scarcity, soil infertility, soil erosion, land degradation, and floods, often combine with other socioeconomic factors like poverty and inequality to drive migration 16 , 17 . Additionally, determining the role of the environment and climate change in migration decisions is challenging 18 , 19 , 20 . To address these challenges, the term, “environmental migrants” was introduced to highlight the relationship between the environment and migration. Environmental migrants are individuals who “ for compelling reasons of sudden or progressive changes in the environment that adversely affect their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their habitual homes, or choose to do so, either temporarily or permanently, and who move either within their country or abroad ” 21 (p. 3–4). However, the discourse has evolved, and the term “climate migrant” is now commonly used to emphasize how climate change exacerbates environmental issues and the associated migration 22 , 23 . Thus, it is important to note that discussions on climate migration encompass both migration/displacement and immobility, both voluntary and involuntary 24 .

Migration can be seen as a crucial coping strategy for individuals and households, allowing them to adapt and navigate changes in resource availability across different environments 25 , particularly to minimize their susceptibility to environmental shocks 26 . In some cases, moving from vulnerable climate hotspots is not merely an ‘adaptation strategy’ but an essential survival mechanism in the face of ‘adaptation failure' 27 . The decision to migrate due to climate change is influenced by changing environmental conditions, migrants’ characteristics, and other migration drivers such as economic, political, social, demographic, individual, and household factors 28 , 29 , 30 .

There is substantial evidence indicating that the environmental impacts of climate change will lead to large-scale human mobility and displacement in the future. Estimates suggest that between 50 million 31 and 250 million 32 people could be affected by 2050, rising to 630 million by 2100 20 . The World Bank projects that by 2050, 216 million across different regions, including North Africa (19 million), Sub-Saharan Africa (86 million), South Asia (40 million), LAC (17 million), Eastern Europe and Central Asia (5 million), and East Asia and the Pacific (49 million), will be impacted by climate change 33 .

While there are limitations in modeling the flow of climate migrants and incorporating tipping points and emerging stressors that influence migration decisions 34 , most climate migration models agree that climate-driven migration will increase in the coming decades 24 . Migration can occur voluntarily or involuntarily to escape imminent risks. While internal migration within a country (mainly to urban areas) is more common 35 , international migration is also increasing, especially in regions where climate change coincides with violent conflicts, such as Africa and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) 36 .

Global South context

Many countries in the Global South are grappling with rapid population growth, which strains the environment and diverts resources, posing challenges to local and regional sustainability 37 , 38 . When combined with climate change impacts, these challenges contribute to increased migration. In response, international agreements like the UN Global Compact for Migration and the Global Compact on Refugees aim to ensure the orderly movement of refugees 39 . It is crucial to consider migration as an integral part of environmental systems and incorporate discussions on the correlation between climate change mechanisms and patterns of human mobility 30 , 32 . Climate change affects various aspects of human life, including livelihoods, public health, land use, infrastructure, water, and air quality, and socio-cultural activities 40 , 41 .

Given that many Global South countries heavily rely on agriculture and natural resources, rising temperatures, floods, and water scarcity are placing strain on livelihoods and driving rural-to-urban migration 22 . This predominant form of climate migration contributes to urban sustainability challenges, including unplanned urbanization and the development of informal settlements in peri-urban areas 42 . In these settlements, residents typically engage in small-scale entrepreneurship, self-employment, casual work, and petty trading, constituting an informal economy 12 . Unfortunately, these settlements often lack basic infrastructure and are poorly constructed, making them highly vulnerable to climate change-related hazards like floods and storm surges 42 . Water pollution and inadequate sanitation further pose health risks for residents in these areas 43 . In cities where risks and dangers persist, people may be compelled to cross borders, further complicating, and expanding the dynamics of climate-related migration 44 .

Climate impacts in the Global South by region

In 2022, global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reached a record high of approximately 36.6 Gigatons (GT) 45 . The top contributors to these emissions were China, the United States, and the European Union, accounting for 19.3 GT, which is about 53% of the global total (China: 11.4 Gt, USA: 5.1 Gt, EU: 2.8 Gt). In contrast, LAC accounted for only about 7% of total GHG emissions 46 . Even though Africa produces the least GHG emissions, it faces the most severe consequences of climate change 47 . On the other hand, Southeast Asia experienced the highest increase in GHG emissions between 1990 and 2010 compared to any other region in the world 48 . Despite the relatively low contributions of most Global South countries to GHG emissions, they are more vulnerable to climate change impacts, including sea-level rise, floods, and rising temperatures 49 . Moreover, these countries generally have lower adaptive capacities compared to their counterparts in the Global North.

Climate impacts in South Asia

South Asia is highly vulnerable to extreme weather events, including river flooding, sea-level rise, and extreme temperatures, which exacerbate both internal and cross-border migration 50 , 51 . These impacts pose significant threats to food supplies, livestock, land, and crops, resulting in severe food crises that can trigger migration 52 . In India, farms are being destroyed annually by severe heatwaves and snowstorms caused by climate change 53 , 54 . Likewise, torrential floods are displacing thousands and causing widespread property damage in Pakistan 55 , 56 . In 2022, the world’s deadliest flood in Pakistan affected 33 million people, with 2.1 million losing their homes 57 . Similarly, the Haor areas of Bangladesh were severely impacted by flash floods, affecting approximately 4.2 million people 58 , 59 .

The region’s increasing urbanization and economic growth further contribute to migration, placing additional strain on urban sustainability by exacerbating congestion and diverting already scarce resources to support migrants 60 . By 2040, the demand for energy in South Asia is projected to increase by 66% 61 . However, since most urban areas in South Asia are in low-lying coastal areas already affected by sea-level rise due to climate change, meeting the energy needs of these areas becomes increasingly challenging 50 . Consequently, South Asian economies, including India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and the Maldives, could experience a 1.8% reduction in their gross domestic product by 2050, which could rise to 8.8% by 2100 62 . Among these countries, Nepal (2.2%), Bangladesh (2%), and India (1.8%) would be the most affected. Consequently, nearly 800 million people may experience deteriorating living conditions, potentially leading to large-scale migration 14 .

Climate impacts in the MENA region

In the MENA region, climate change has already led to water scarcity, desertification, sea-level rise, and loss of biodiversity, resulting in soil degradation, food insecurity, and salt intrusion into aquifers, which have triggered the displacement of people 63 . The Gulf Cooperation Council region currently hosts around 30 million cross-country migrants who have primarily moved due to economic hardships and work opportunities in the energy and infrastructure sectors 64 . However, as climate change intensifies due to the increasing use of fossil fuels, it is anticipated that migration into the oil-rich Gulf region will increase. It is important to note that projections indicate the region could become nearly uninhabitable by 2050 due to the severe impacts of rising temperatures 65 . Saudi desert areas, for instance, are expected to face the most severe effects of global warming, including prolonged heatwaves lasting for months 66 . Moreover, temperatures in the Middle East are projected to rise to 50 °C by 2100, posing significant health and livelihood challenges and putting 400 million individuals at risk of heatwave exposure 65 . These compounding challenges are likely to lead to political and social strains.

Climate impacts in Sub-Saharan Africa

In Sub-Saharan Africa, densely populated coastal cities in countries like Nigeria, Tanzania, and Mozambique are witnessing seasonal sea level rises, resulting in floods that affect many people 32 , 67 . In West Africa, countries such as Burkina Faso, Niger, Gambia, Mali, Sudan, and Senegal are experiencing droughts caused by rising temperatures 68 . Severe droughts in Madagascar have also forced many people to leave their homes in search of more habitable lands 69 , 70 . Despite contributing the least to GHG emissions, Africa remains the most climate-vulnerable region globally 68 . This vulnerability is particularly heightened because a significant portion of the population relies on rainfed agricultural systems for their livelihoods 5 . As these agricultural systems become increasingly unsustainable, people will be compelled to migrate 71 . Models predict that by 2050, between 28.3 and 71.1 million people will be forced to migrate within the continent (Table 1 and Fig. 1 ). Many of these migrants will gravitate towards urban informal settlements, where the associated safety and health risks are growing 12 . While the link between climate change and conflict is complex, the potential for resource competition to escalate into violence and conflict is high in Africa 72 . Furthermore, water scarcity can exacerbate ongoing conflicts and increase the vulnerability of people displaced by conflict in the region 73 .

Note: According to the World Bank Groundswell Report, around 143 million people will be displaced by 2050: 86 million from Sub-Saharan Africa, 40 million from South Asia and the Pacific, and 17 million from LAC.

Climate impacts on the Pacific Islands

The Pacific Island region is often considered the frontline of climate change due to the severity of its predicted impacts 74 . Despite being referred to as “small” island nations, the Pacific Islands, spanning 25,000 islands, encompass approximately fifteen percent of the Earth’s surface 75 . This region faces compounding challenges from rising sea levels, coastal flooding, erosion, and water scarcity 76 . In Kiribati, for example, 94% of households reported being affected by natural hazards in the past decade 77 . While migration from many Pacific Islands is inevitable in the event of complete inundation due to sea level rise, there are people living in the region who are unable to migrate due to financial constraints, raising concerns about those who may be trapped in unsafe situations 78 . Pacific Island leaders have advocated for international agreements that promote safe migration for those affected by climate change, emphasizing the importance of “Migration with Dignity“ 79 . Planned relocation is often discussed as a potential solution to the loss of habitable land in the Pacific Islands. However, vulnerable populations are likely to face compounded risks rather than alleviation through such processes 80 . While international migration schemes may offer a safer future for Pacific Islanders, the spiritual connection and sense of place they will lose by leaving their land cannot be regained 81 .

Climate impacts in Latin America and the Caribbean

Latin American and the Caribbean states are highly vulnerable to climate impacts, including mega-droughts, heatwaves, melting glaciers, and torrential rains and floods 13 , 82 . Glaciers in the Andes region have lost between thirty and fifty percent of their area in just forty years, leading to water scarcity 83 . Approximately 27% of the population in the region lives along coastlines, where sea levels rise faster than the global average 83 . Continued deforestation of the Amazon rainforest threatens local and global climate adaptation and mitigation efforts 84 . Prolonged droughts have resulted in severe food insecurity and migration in several countries, such as Mexico, Ecuador, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua 85 , 86 . Models predict that between 5.8 and 10.6 million people will be internally displaced within the region by 2050 (Table 1 and Fig. 1 ). Already, documented cases of out-migration from Central America to the USA due to escalating agricultural stress indicate that regional migration patterns are likely to intensify further as the impacts of climate change worsen 87 .

Impacts of climate-induced stressors on migration in the Global South

The results of the systematic review are presented in the following three sub-sections, which synthesize the findings on the impacts of increasing temperatures, water stress and droughts, as well as floods and sea level rise, on migration.

Increasing temperatures

Increasing temperatures, which feature 96 times in the Global South in 2021 (Table 2 ), are positively associated with migration. For example, a 1  o C temperature increase leads to a 1.9% increase in global migration 10 . Over the past 15 years, the Caribbean and Latin America have experienced average temperature increases ranging from 0.5 to 1  o C, resulting in glacial melting in the tropical region of the Andes Mountains 88 . The combination of elevated temperatures and increased floods has significantly impacted many cities in the Global South due to global warming 9 . Mountainous countries, such as Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia, face significant challenges as their drinking water, agricultural production, and hydroelectric power depend on glaciers 88 , 89 . It is projected that further temperature increases between 1 o C and 6 o C will exacerbate these issues, leading to increased transboundary migration 90 .

In the Sahel region of Africa, rising temperatures caused by climate change have resulted in the shrinking of Lake Chad over the past five decades, compelling people in Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon who rely on its water to move to urban areas 91 . In Southeast Asia, migration due to increasing temperatures is mainly observed in Vietnam, Myanmar, Thailand, and the Philippines 51 , 92 . The decision to migrate to these areas is influenced by factors such as social cohesion, government support to communities, level of economic development, migration barriers, and political stability 93 . The Arabian Gulf experiences continuous temperature increases at a faster rate than the global average, negatively impacting health, labor, and agricultural production 94 . Consequently, people migrate to nearby urban areas in search of livelihood opportunities 95 .

Water stress and drought

Water stress occurs when the demand for water exceeds the available quantity within a given period or when its poor quality restricts its use 73 . Historically, water has played a crucial role in determining the location of human settlements. In the contemporary world, as climate change continues to accelerate, global water crises are increasing 96 , with 103 water scarcity and drought events occurring in the Global South in 2021 (Table 2 ). Consequently, migration from affected regions, particularly the Global South, is becoming more frequent 97 . Landlocked countries and those located in arid and semi-arid lands are the most impacted by water stress. For example, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan are situated within the Gobi Desert zone; Zambia, Zimbabwe, and parts of Botswana are affected by the Kalahari Desert; Mali, Niger, Chad, and Burkina Faso are located within the Sahel region; and Chile and Peru are in proximity to the Atacama Desert. These countries experience internal and external migrations due to water stress 98 . However, most of these migrations are internal, as people move to more habitable areas within their countries due to restrictions on external migration in some destination countries 89 .

Migration driven by water stress tends to occur more gradually in rural areas than in urban areas 18 . Additionally, such migrations are a result of insufficient resources to cope with reduced agricultural productivity, income, and subsistence capacity 44 , 99 . Some researchers agree that migration resulting from water scarcity, although often over short distances, can lead to conflicts 73 . In high-risk areas such as coastal regions prone to sea-level rise, large populations in Asia face water scarcity and other challenges during disasters, prompting migration 38 . Moreover, in South Asia, migration is driven by growing social and economic disparities fueled by climate change in water-stress areas 50 , 60 .

An emblematic example of the impact of climate change on water stress and migration can be seen in the semi-arid regions of northeastern Brazil, where subsistence farmers rely mainly on agriculture 100 . As water scarcity intensifies, resulting in nearly an 80% loss in agricultural production, many people migrate to the south, where more favorable conditions exist 75 . Similarly, in Potosi, Bolivia, households with farmlands over 3,500 m 2 resort to seasonal migration, while those with between 1,650 and 3,000 m 2 tend to move permanently when faced with water stress challenges 90 . Many people from Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, who have been affected by changes in precipitation due to climate change, have moved to the United States in search of employment and other opportunities 13 . The Tonga people of Southern Zambia and the Maasai people of Kenya also engage in annual migration due to water stress, seeking water and pasture for their livestock 10 .

Similarly, drought is common in most African nations, especially those within North Africa and the Sahel regions, affecting about one-third of the African population and leaving them with limited food and water for their families and livestock 71 , 101 . For example, drought and insufficient rainfall in Western Sahara, Ghana, Senegal, and Burkina Faso have forced people to frequently migrate to urban areas 69 . Additionally, sociodemographic dynamics, such as gender, sex, age, migration status, and household size, also influence migration decisions 102 . In Asia, for example, heads of households are more likely to move than other household members to provide for their families 103 . Families in the Bolivian and Ecuadorian Andes, who are primarily unemployed and heavily dependent on agriculture, have been severely affected by drought, compelling them to move to other rural areas or neighboring cities 86 .

Moreover, a 10% reduction in agricultural production due to droughts has resulted in a 2% growth in migration from LAC to the USA 67 . Furthermore, recent droughts in the Middle East have further strained already scarce water resources, leading to low wheat production, which sustains most families in the region, and triggering migration to cities 94 . Recurrent droughts caused by climate change also impact South Asia, posing threats to people’s livelihoods and forcing them to decide whether to migrate as a family or adapt to changing environmental conditions 93 .

Floods and sea-level rise

Floods and sea-level rise occurred 97 and 126 times, respectively, in the Global South in 2021 (Table 2 ). These events are primarily associated with increased precipitation and the melting of mountains and polar glaciers, including those in the Andes of South America 104 , Papua in New Guinea, and Puncak Jaya in Indonesia 105 , Africa’s Kilimanjaro, Kenya, and Ruwenzori Mountains 106 , and Himalayan Nepal, India, Bhutan, China, Afghanistan, and Pakistan 107 . Flooding is a major consequence of climate change, forcing people to flee flood-prone areas to avoid loss of life and property damage 38 .

In Africa, Lagos and Accra are prone to recurrent flooding during heavy rains 108 . Likewise, Nairobi is also susceptible to flooding in the rainy season, often leaving many people homeless, especially in vulnerable slum areas where water-borne diseases and malaria are prevalent 109 . In South Asia, floods caused by climate change expose people to diseases like dengue fever, malaria, and cholera. These disasters are a result of climate change and inadequate urban planning, which lead to flooding after prolonged downpours 103 . Those affected are often forced to endure recurrent floods as they lack alternative places to go, other than returning to their rural homes that lack jobs and basic infrastructure 108 . In Saudi Arabia, for instance, floods in the past decade, particularly in Jeddah coastal city, caused by storm surges, have resulted in casualties, property damage, and significant displacements 110 . Torrential rains affecting cities in India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh lead to flooding, affecting over 46 million individuals annually 60 . Displacement is a common outcome in these countries, although many people have developed resilience due to the short-term nature of these floods 10 .

Rising sea levels, like floods, are a significant driver of migration for coastal populations. It is estimated that coastal risks will increase over the 21st century due to rising sea levels, disrupting people’s lives, cultural and natural heritage, livelihoods, ecosystems, food security, and infrastructure 57 , 60 , Even if global warming were to cease, these risks would escalate, compounded by extreme sea-level rise 111 . Coastal wetlands are also at high risk of sea-level rise, resulting in significant losses before 2100 9 . However, in the case of rising sea levels, planned migration over a more extended period becomes possible 90 .

Worldwide, about 450 million individuals are living at low elevations (below 20 m) and near coastlines (within 20 km) 80 . Regions most vulnerable to the adverse consequences of sea-level rise include LAC, with a significant portion of the land being used for agriculture 99 . A 1-meter rise in sea level would affect 5–7% of the populations in the Bahamas, Guyana, and Suriname 112 . The Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna delta in Bangladesh is also one of the most affected areas, leading to great displacements of people 113 . In areas where agricultural lands have been submerged, people have been forced to relocate due to food scarcity, salinization, and reduced soil fertility 10 , 52 . It is expected that by the end of this century, sea levels will rise by between 30 and 150 cm in the Southern Hemisphere, resulting in the submergence of most of the Maldives, as well as cities like Bangkok and Ho Chi Minh 114 .

Implications and recommendations

The results of this study detailed the tripartite environmental factors predisposing individuals in the Global South to migrate: increasing temperatures, water stress and draught, and floods and sea-level rise. The reviewed literature primarily focused on internal migration 13 , 89 , 115 , given the complexity involved in assessing and predicting transboundary migration dynamics. The results demonstrated the dire impacts of climate change on the environment that require immediate addressing 116 . Despite having relatively lower contributions to global GHG emissions compared to Global North countries, the Global South experiences some of the most severe consequences of regional and global climatic changes 41 , 83 .

Another study found that extreme temperatures significantly impact both internal and external migration and their patterns 4 , which aligns with prior research findings 16 . In the Philippines, for example, temperature rise increases outmigration rates 92 . Similarly, in Uganda, the expected temperature at the origin affects migration flows 117 , and higher temperatures lead to high migration rates in China 110 , Zambia 70 , and the Arab world 63 , 65 .

Water stress and drought are also significant push factors behind migration 17 , 111 , corroborating previous studies. Basu and Shaw 54 reported a significant link between water scarcity and human migration in India. In Zambia, migration is influenced by water stress and food insecurity 70 . Among riparian households in Bangladesh, drought, and saltwater intrusion influence decisions to migrate to the mainland or cities 41 . Water stress also shapes climate-induced migration in Iran 18 , Kenya, Ethiopia 109 , Israel, Jordan, and Syria 94 , as well as several African countries 102 , 118 .

Lastly, floods and rising sea levels increase the likelihood of internal migration due to displacements, loss of homes, and livelihoods 4 , 97 , 111 , 112 , 119 , providing support to the existing literature. In Ghana, for instance, floods trigger migration due to disruptions in livelihoods and mobility, damage to housing, and lack of access to markets and services 108 . Similar findings that floods do increase the likelihood and frequency of migration have also been reported in Nigeria 115 , Uganda 117 , Tanzania 23 , Mali 116 , South Africa 72 , India 54 , 103 , 113 , Indonesia 105 , Vietnam 120 , Thailand 121 , Bangladesh 41 , 59 , Nepal, and Pakistan 57 , 93 .

Adaptive measures to combat climate change as a major trigger of migration have been developed in various contexts. However, their comprehensive implementation in the Global South is hindered by socioeconomic factors 114 . For example, in regions where farmers rely on agriculture, the high cost of implementing relevant adaptation strategies is prohibitive due to the low socioeconomic status and income of the population 85 . Migration becomes a personal adaptation strategy when adapting in place is no longer an option 119 . It is predicted that by 2050, migration as an adaptation to climate change will be implemented by 200 million people, either voluntarily or forcibly 122 . However, due to the expenses and resource requirements of migration, individuals and families with limited means may be unable to relocate, forcing them to face the challenges of climate change involuntarily 123 . Some individuals will choose to face these challenges due to their cultural ties to the land and community 124 , while others may seek opportunities in nearby cities as an alternative for livelihood generation 90 , 111 . The lack of adaptive strategies, especially among individuals of low socioeconomic status, makes them particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change due to a lack of assets, knowledge, and networks 125 . Therefore, as the risks of climate change intensify, there is a growing need to provide support for households that have made the decision to migrate, as well as to implement adaptation strategies for those who are unable or choose not to relocate 13 .

One intervention that governments can employ to assist communities in coping with climate migration is the relocation of affected people to better and more habitable locations 41 , 44 . People living in areas affected by droughts, limited water resources, or frequent floods in low-lying areas should be relocated to areas with sufficient water or minimal flood risk 126 . However, relocation requires resources and should be adequately planned with input from affected populations to avoid unanticipated challenges 125 , 127 . Previous relocations have failed due to loss of livelihood, cultural heritage, and social networks, often resulting in abject poverty for the relocated people 123 . Governments must strive to provide sources of livelihood for the relocated communities, although many developing countries struggle to implement such actions due to limited resources 122 .

Various initiatives have been launched to address international migration caused by climate change, such as the Task Force on Displacement, the Global Compact for Migration, the UN Network on Migration, the Kampala Convention, and the Cancun Adaptation Framework. While their direct focus on climate change varies, each has contributed to highlighting climate change as a fundamental driver of migration that must be promptly addressed 128 . For instance, under the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) of the Paris Agreement, mobility has been conceptualized as a strategy for adaptation. Most recently, the Nansen Initiative, which evolved into the Platform for Disaster Displacement, has specifically aimed to address the needs of cross-border migrants displaced by natural disasters 129 . These initiatives encourage countries to commit to addressing the adverse effects of climate change on migrants and establish measures to acknowledge migration due to climate change, plan relocations, and promote collaboration to mitigate associated challenges 120 , 130 .

Moreover, various approaches have been developed to help countries manage the challenges of climate migration 131 . For example, the International Organization for Migration maintains a twofold approach that requires nations to appraise their climate change policies to distinguish between migration and climate migration policies effectively. It also involves reviewing existing tools for managing migration to understand how they can be restructured, and developing new tools to respond adequately to climate change-induced migration. Researchers have also advocated for social protection measures to manage climate migration, supporting people who choose to stay in their communities to maintain their livelihoods, and addressing the drivers of migration that force people to engage in maladaptive migration 132 . However, until recently, there has been limited cooperation between countries in the Global South concerning fostering safe migration or safeguarding the rights of climate migrants in receiving areas 25 .

Therefore, it is essential to identify localities at risk of depopulation to effectively coordinate migration and relocation. Potential relocation areas for displaced individuals must be extensively assessed to ensure they can sustain increased populations without further hardships. Countries must share the responsibility of planning, identifying suitable relocation areas, and providing support to relocated individuals in host societies 118 . Additionally, collaboration between origin and destination countries is crucial for planning future climate change-induced migration in a way that benefits both nations 109 . Conventions like the Organization of African Unity in 1963, the Bangkok Principles in 1966, the San Jose Declaration in 1994, the Kampala Convention in 2009, and the Kampala Ministerial Declaration on Migration, Environment, and Climate Change (KMD) in 2022 aimed to protect migrants and internally displaced individuals affected by climate change through humanitarian assistance, proper planning, remediation, community engagement, and proper documentation 133 , 134 . The KMD, for instance, has enjoined East African countries to enhance cooperation, facilitate capacity building, and encourage multi-partner financing to prevent, minimize, and address the displacement of vulnerable communities caused by climate change 135 . Similar measures can be implemented across the entire Global South to help address the challenges of climate migration 9 , 62 , 136 .

Also, due to the limited capacity of Global South countries to address climate change impacts and the limited support from developed countries in assisting them in coping with these adverse effects 35 , despite the obligations set forth by the Paris Agreement, public-private partnerships, philanthropic donors, and international organizations should establish and provide increased support to people living in areas prone to sea-level rise, flooding, and drought. This support should also extend to those who have limited financial and adaptive resources to avert prolonged displacement and migration 19 . However, developing countries must still take prompt actions and measures to combat climate change and its effects, and consider climate-induced migration a critical problem that must be addressed immediately within their countries and regions 117 .

Finally, the development and implementation of measures such as long-term planning, effective strategies for absorption of shocks and rapid recovery, and innovative adaptation solutions can contribute to enhancing the resilience of communities and avoiding the negative impacts of migration 42 , 107 . Strengthening planning, absorption, recovery, and adaptation capacities requires concerted efforts across different sectors 44 , 79 . These efforts should include upgrading infrastructure systems and increasing their resilience 108 , improving household economic capacities 29 , 88 , enhancing the efficiency of resource consumption and production 25 , 99 , engaging local communities in planning and decision-making processes 118 , 134 , utilizing modeling and scenario-making techniques for planning under different future scenarios, and employing smart solutions such as early warning systems to facilitate better response and absorption capacities 136 , 137 . However, implementing these measures and strategies may present challenges, as Global South countries and communities may struggle to afford the adaptation costs, and have limited access to skilled human resources and necessary technologies 7 , 11 . Therefore, cooperation with countries in the Global North is essential, including financial support and technology transfer. Such cooperation can strengthen partnerships and contribute to achieving global goals (SDG 17). Furthermore, considering the potential implications of large-scale migration for security, it can promote peace and justice (SDG 16). In addition to support from Global North countries, the assistance of donors and international organizations will be crucial.

Interacting with high levels of vulnerability, climatic hazards have contributed to humanitarian emergencies, causing migrations and displacements. The impacts have been particularly severe in Global South countries where most of the world’s population lives. As most of the future population growth will occur in the Global South and given the projected increase in the intensity and frequency of climate-induced hazards, these countries may experience even more severe impacts in the coming decades. Such impacts could result in massive internal and external migration flows, which would have significant implications for domestic and international security, economic development, human rights, and justice.

In this review, we have demonstrated how three types of climate-induced stressors—increasing temperatures, water stress and drought, and floods and sea-level rise—have resulted in internal and transboundary migration across different countries of the Global South. Further, we have discussed how projected climatic changes will further increase the severity and frequency of adverse weather events with serious consequences for internal and external migration flows.

Climate-induced stressors can lead to gradual or abrupt migration patterns and dynamics, depending on their nature. Increasing temperatures and water stress are more likely to drive gradual migration patterns by eroding livelihood options for communities. For instance, extended periods of water scarcity may leave communities that rely on agriculture with no choice but to migrate. On the other hand, abrupt migration may occur when rapid-onset adverse events, such as major floods become recurrent, rendering places uninhabitable. At the same time, adaptation becomes challenging when slow-onset stressors, such as temperature rise and prolonged drought, push the area beyond its tipping point and make it uninhabitable. Adopting strategies to enhance communities’ coping and adaptive capacities can minimize the need for migration in the face of both gradual and abrupt changes.

This review has revealed that climate-induced stressors often result in migration through indirect pathways. Institutional, political, and socio-economic factors play significant roles in individuals’ and households’ decisions to move. It is crucial to note the differential impact of climate-induced stressors on vulnerable groups, such as women, minorities, and low-income groups. Therefore, adaptation plans and strategies to address migration issues should acknowledge and account for differences among various socio-demographic groups, avoiding generic solutions that may leave some groups behind.

Finally, it is essential to recognize that, depending on the scale of climatic changes and the response/coping capacity at the local level, adaptation strategies and measures may sometimes fail to work. Under such circumstances, voluntary or forced migration becomes inevitable. In these cases, migration can be considered an adaptation strategy to minimize exposure to risks and prevent the loss of human lives and properties. When migration is unavoidable, careful planning is necessary to ensure that migrating individuals and communities can access the necessary resources to sustain their livelihoods. Additionally, social and cultural issues must be considered to avoid potential conflicts with host communities that may also be facing difficulties due to climate change.

We hope that the insights reported in this study will inform actions toward better managing climate-induced migration patterns and dynamics in the Global South. One limitation of this study is the exclusion of gray literature, which often covers issues related to the Global South. Therefore, we recommend that future studies go beyond reviewing academic literature and include gray literature and news reports on climate change and migration patterns in the Global South. This would provide a more comprehensive picture that better reflects the dynamics of climate-induced migration in the Global South.

This paper presents a comprehensive review and analysis of the existing academic literature on climate migration in the Global South. The data for this study were systematically gathered from peer-reviewed articles, selected based on their relevance to the research questions. The databases used for searching the articles were Scopus and Web of Science as the major global databases of peer-reviewed literature. The search focused on literature related to climate change and migration as influenced by tripartite environmental factors (increasing temperatures, water stress and droughts, and floods and sea-level rise). The search strings used in searching for literature in the “Title, Abstract, and Author Keywords” are provided in Supplementary Table 1 . Global South countries comprise 134 nations in LAC, Africa, the Pacific, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and the Caribbean 137 .

The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) technique was employed to guide the literature search and selection. Originally designed as a tool to address practical and conceptual issues in meta-analyses and systematic reviews 138 , 139 , 140 , the PRISMA method is increasingly employed for high-quality reviews and to synthesize available empirical data 95 , 141 , 142 . The quality of the research criteria identified for this study was assessed to ensure accurate conclusions 143 .

Studies were considered relevant if they vividly described the research topic and contributed to achieving the research goal. To be included, a publication must meet the following criteria: (a) studied climate change impacts and their connection to migration in Global South countries, (b) provided approaches for addressing climate change-induced migration in the Global South. Publications were excluded if they (a) were not related to the research topic, (b) did not focus on the link between climate change/stressors and migration, and (c) were in languages other than English. The summaries and abstracts of the most relevant publications were screened based on the inclusion guidelines. Data from the articles were extracted and recorded on a spreadsheet, including the study objective, key findings, concept definitions, conclusions, and recommendations. Initially, 4974 publications were identified. Among them, 1627 records were duplicates. Additionally, two publications were detected and retracted by Zotero. Rayyan was used to perform the inclusion and exclusion process, while Zotero and Google Scholar were utilized to download the full text of the final selected papers. Out of the 3317 records screened based on title and abstract, 3,276 were found to be irrelevant. Further, 48 records were selected based on full-text retrieval, with one record not being available in full text. Finally, 47 publications were selected for data analysis and systemization (see Supplementary Table 2 ). Figure 2 provides an overview of the literature search and selection process.

It shows articles’ identification, screening, and exclusion/inclusion criteria.

For the analysis, climate change drivers (factors or themes) that influence migration in the Global South were categorized using content analysis. Evidence from various studies on coping strategies employed to adapt to climate change and migration, as influenced by the tripartite environmental and geographical factors, was collected using an information extraction sheet in Microsoft Excel. The inductive content analysis technique was used due to the lack of previous systematic reviews on this fragmented topic 144 , making it the most suitable method for synthesizing information 145 . This technique allows for a comprehensive extraction of insights from previous literature without preconceived bias. However, it is a time-consuming technique and involves a certain level of subjectivity in the analysis process 144 . The inductive content analysis involved identifying and categorizing themes related to the intersection of climate and migration while reading the first paper. Similar themes that were identified are documented and synthesized with those found in the explored documents. New themes were established as new issues emerged from subsequent papers that did not align with the existing categories.

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available as supplementary information.

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Acknowledgements

Sadly, Professor Saleemul Huq passed away on 28 October 2023 while preparing this manuscript. His invaluable contributions profoundly shaped this work. Our thoughts are with his loved ones and all who were touched by his remarkable life and work.

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• Published: 05 September 2017

A qualitative study of Filipina immigrants’ stress, distress and coping: the impact of their multiple, transnational roles as women

• Melanie L. Straiton 1 ,
• Heloise Marie L. Ledesma 2 &
• Tam T. Donnelly 3  

BMC Women's Health volume  17 , Article number:  72 ( 2017 ) Cite this article

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Migration is associated with a number of stress factors which can affect mental health. Ethnicity, gender and socioeconomic status can intertwine with and influence the process of migration and mental health. Philippine migration to Europe has increased in recent years and has become more feminised. Knowing more about the factors that influence immigrants’ mental health and coping can help aid health care delivery and policy planning. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the contextual factors that influence the mental health of Filipinas living in Norway and their coping strategies.

Individual in-depth interviews were conducted with fourteen Filipinas 24–49 years, living in Norway. The analysis was informed by the post-colonial feminist perspective in order to examine the process by which gender, ethnicity and socioeconomic status interact with contextual factors in these women’s lives and influence their wellbeing.

Data analysis revealed that all informants experienced some level of stress or distress. Two main factors: Sense of belonging and Securing a future contributed to the women’s level of distress associated with living abroad as an immigrant woman. Distress was heighted by the women’s multiple, transnational roles they occupied; roles as workers, breadwinners, daughters, wives and mothers. None of the women had sought professional help for their distress. Religion and informal support from friends and family appear to help these women cope with many of the challenges they face as immigrant women living and working abroad.

Conclusions

Filipinas face a number of challenges related to their status as immigrant women and the juggling of their transnational lives. Understanding the context of these women’s lives may aid the identification of mental health problems. Although the women show resilience and appear to cope successfully, some may benefit from professional help.

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Migration is associated with a number of stress factors which can affect mental health [ 1 ]. There is therefore the concern that immigrants are at greater risk of mental health problems than the native population [ 2 ] and simultaneously face barriers to accessing appropriate mental health care [ 3 ]. Yet, the level and type of, and response to, migratory stress varies with, among other factors, individual characteristics, the circumstances of migration and the welcoming in the new country [ 1 ]. An individual’s ethnicity, gender and socioeconomic status also intertwine with and influence the process of migration, adaptation to the host society [ 4 ] and thus, mental health.

In Norway, immigrants now make up 14% of the population [ 5 ]. Norwegian health care providers and policymakers face new challenges in order to meet the needs of the growing immigrant population. In recent years, there has been an increase in women from the Philippines migrating to Norway for work and marriage. Despite Filipinas being the largest group of non-EU immigrant women in Norway [ 6 ], little is known about their mental health. This study focuses on Filipinas living in Norway and explores the stress and distress experiences associated with being an immigrant woman and how these women cope with their difficulties.

The Philippines is one of the biggest export countries of labour, with over 10 million Filipinos working or living abroad [ 7 ]. Migration is encouraged by the government, since the sending home of remittances helps to support the country’s economy. In 2014, personal remittances from overseas Filipino workers accounted for 8.5% of the gross domestic product [ 8 ]. Early labour migration consisted predominately of men but due to the changing global labour economy, women now outnumber men [ 9 ]. In Norway, 80% of immigrants from the Philippines are women [ 6 ]. Gender ideologies, including the traditional division of labour, shape migration patterns. Many Filipinas moving overseas help meet the shortage of skilled nurses as well as the demand for unskilled, low paid domestic work in high income countries [ 9 , 10 ]. Increasingly, Filipinas also become the wives of men from high income countries, including Norway [ 11 ].

Filipina immigrants are often considered resourceful, with many having higher education [ 10 , 12 ] and strong social support networks [ 13 ]. Nonetheless, they are sometimes considered at risk of violence, isolation, poverty and exploitation [ 13 , 14 , 15 ]. Reports of poor working conditions and abuse among foreign domestic workers for instance are not uncommon [ 16 ]. Further, more than 40% of labour Filipino migrants in the USA report high levels of workplace discrimination [ 17 ]. Such factors are also associated with poorer mental health, yet mental health among Filipinas has rarely been addressed in the literature. An Australian study found that Filipina immigrants more often report mental distress than Australian women [ 18 ]. In addition, financial stressors, relationship adjustments and social isolation were important factors in influencing the mental health of Filipinas married to Australians [ 19 ]. This highlights the importance of considering the social context of women’s lives and their migratory pathways in relation to mental health.

A recent Norwegian study found that Filipinas are less likely to consult with a general practitioner (GP) for mental health problems than Norwegian women [ 20 ]. Further, among those who did consult with a GP, they were less likely than Norwegian women to use psychotropic medicine or to engage in conversational therapy with the doctor. It is not known if Filipinas’ underrepresentation is because they have better mental health, if their distress is not recognised by a professional, if they experience barriers to care or if they seek help elsewhere. An improved understanding of the factors that influence Filipinas’ mental health can help the identification of mental distress and effective coping, with implications for the prevention and treatment of mental health problems. The purpose of this exploratory qualitative study is to illuminate the contextual factors that influence immigrant Filipinas’ mental health and their coping strategies. Ethical approval was obtained from the Regional Committee for Medical and Health Research Ethics, West Norway.

Interview procedure

Using purposive and snowballing [ 21 ] sampling techniques, potential informants were identified and recruited through key personal contacts in the Filipino community. Selection criteria included being over the age of 18 and having lived in Norway one to 10 years. Women meeting the selection criteria were contacted via telephone or e-mail, informed about the study and asked to consider participating. They were sent written information in English, Norwegian or Filipino, about the goals of the study, what participation involved, rights and ethical considerations. A suitable time and place for the interview was then arranged. Informants could request a Filipino interpreter. Informants were also asked to tell their contacts about the study and those who wished to participate contacted the researcher. Consent for voluntary participation was obtained from each informant. Anonymity and confidentiality was assured.

Informants first completed a short questionnaire with background information and the ten-item Hopkins symptoms checklist (HSCL-10), a reliable measure of psychological distress [ 22 ]. This is a shortened version of the HSCL-25 which has been applied transnationally [ 23 , 24 ]. Semi-structured interviews were then carried out; open-ended questions related to topics such as living in Norway, family background, emotional difficulties, perceptions of physical and mental health and experiences in consulting with general practitioners in Norway. The interview schedule was flexible depending on the dynamics of the discussion between the interviewee and interviewer.

Data collection continued until data saturation was reached and relatively little new information was obtained. Fourteen women were interviewed, all by the first author, a native English speaker, fluent in Norwegian. Thirteen interviews were conducted in English and one in Norwegian. None of the women required an interpreter. Interviews were audio-recorded and lasted on average 60 min (range 25–100 min). They were transcribed verbatim, yielding 277 A4 pages.

The women had lived in Norway between one and 6 years (mean = 3.1 years) and were aged 24 to 49 years (mean = 33.7 years). Seven were married at the time of interview, ten had college or university level education and all but one were employed and/or studying. Six women were mothers (mean = 1.83 children), three of whom had children in the Philippines. Four of the women had initially moved to Norway through the au pair scheme (a cultural exchange with a host family in return for domestic work and childcare ([ 14 ])), four to find skilled work, four had a Norwegian spouse/partner and two for other reasons. Five of the women scored above 1.85 on the HSCL-10, suggesting they were experiencing psychological distress around the time of the interview.

The post-colonial feminist perspective was used to analyse the interview data. We used this perspective as a lens to give analytic depth to the many sided factors that affect Filipina immigrants living in Norway. The postcolonial feminist perspective can be applied to examine how ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic position influence the social, cultural, political, historical and economic factors that shape the lives of marginalised women [ 25 ]. This method of critical enquiry allows us to challenge the assumptions of dominant society and helps to expose power imbalances that marginalise immigrant women. Additionally, the post-colonial feminist perspective notes that assumptions made about women are not universal. Rather, women around the world have different histories, cultures, ethnicities and socioeconomic circumstances. These factors influence women’s experiences and struggles [ 26 ].

We critically examine how contextual factors interact with ethnicity, gender and socioeconomic status [ 27 ] to influence the mental health of Filipinas and their coping strategies. We consider how gender shapes these women’s experiences and how their status as immigrants and the structural barriers they may encounter influence their circumstances and their mental health. We aim to understand these women’s stories through gender, cultural and political structures. We go beyond describing and categorising immigrant women’s mental health experiences and instead illuminate the socio-political and cultural conditions that influence these mental health experiences, and thereby giving immigrant women a voice. In this way, mental health issues and ways of coping are identified and addressed from the perspectives of women. We hope to generate an accurate account of the women’s lives and their mental health and coping strategies.

Transcripts were read and reread to allow familiarity with the data. Notes and initial impressions were made about each case. The data were then coded case by case before comparing and contrasting categories across the data. Special attention was paid to aspects of mental health, stress, sadness, daily hassles and coping in the context of what was known about these women’s lives. NVivo was used to assist in the coding and categorising of the transcripts. All citations used in the findings are anonymised to protect the women’s identities.

Five of the women reported having suffered from depression or anxiety at some stage in their life, with one having experienced this for the first time in Norway. However, some level of stress or distress associated with living abroad as an immigrant woman was reported by almost all of the informants. They described a mix of symptoms such as crying, low mood, confusion, anxiousness, rumination, feelings of helplessness, guilt, sadness and frustration, concentration difficulties, social withdrawal, restlessness and weakness, changes in appetite and sleeping difficulties. Somatic symptoms such as stomach problems, dizziness, headaches and muscular pain were also mentioned by some women.

Data analysis indicated two main factors relating to the experience of being an immigrant which contributed to stress or distress at a general level: Sense of belonging and Securing a future. These are described below. We then move on to show how these experiences are intertwined with the (often multiple) roles as breadwinners, workers, daughters, wives and mothers that these women inhabit. Finally, we show how the women’s strength and resilience appears to help many cope successfully with the challenges they face.

It should be noted first, that although the informants reported experiencing stress or distress at some point in Norway, they also conveyed a number of positive mental health experiences. The young, unmarried women, in particular, expressed a strong sense of empowerment associated with their move. They felt more independent and acknowledged a personal growth through their experiences “ I’m growing and making myself strong, facing different difficulties, different challenges .” One woman who had suffered from a mental health problem off and on throughout her life felt moving abroad made her realise her strength and coping ability. By being pushed to experience a new way of life in a different culture and society, she felt more self-reliant:

“I found out, recently that I am able to adjust. With wherever I am, I am able to adjust, and back in the Philippines I wasn’t able to do that… I’m living with some people and… that’s new for me and I find that I kind of like it as well. Because… it shows that I’m kind of independent now .”

Sense of belonging

The women, far away from their home country, most commonly described experiencing feelings of loneliness and homesickness, which could affect both physical and mental health: “At first it’s veeery, very difficult. I keep on crying, my blood pressure will be [high]… and now my health is not good, because… of what I feel .”

Adjusting to the colder climate was challenging for many of the women and the darkness in winter was particularly associated with homesickness. The women commonly spoke of language barriers and felt that learning Norwegian was “ the most important ” aspect for understanding and functioning in Norwegian society. However, even those who were proficient in Norwegian still felt a sense of alienation:

“even though we have learned it…for how many years– I still have that, you know, alien feeling when some of them… look how Norwegians talk and then… they use some expressions …that is really funny, I wish that I could have understood it 100% .”

Egalitarianism, a basic principle in Norwegian society, which values equality of all people [ 28 ] was brought up on occasion. For example, the women suggested that they did not feel that they were treated differently for doing low-skilled work. Yet, on other occasions, informants felt others sometime made assumptions about them based on their ethnicity and gender, causing them feel like an outsider of a lower social status.

“I am a foreigner ... one can always see that: “Okay, maybe she is married to a Norwegian, or she is an au pair”, because that is always a thing here. When you have brown skin and black hair, it’s either you are married to a Norwegian, or you are an au pair, yeah.”

The most salient factor impacting on the women’s sense of loneliness and not belonging, however, was the absence of their family. The women described the contrast in having been constantly surrounded by extended family all their lives to suddenly being in a strange and quiet environment, sometimes living, or at least spending more time, on their own. Even the women who had a Norwegian spouse and/or child in Norway felt a pronounced sense of loneliness without their kinship nearby: “I don’t like [it here] first time I see. I don‘t like this, I don’t have family here. It’s so boring, it’s so -It’s only me, I don‘t have family, I don’t know what I should do.”

Securing a future

While it was not uncommon for the women to highlight that they were happy in Norway because they felt safe “ that’s what I like here, the security. The security I have, economically… physically, mentally here” , reaching this stage was not an easy process, particularly for those who moved to find skilled work or who came as au pairs. Most informants had intentions of staying in Norway long-term but were faced with structural barriers related to visa restrictions that they need to overcome. These barriers, coupled with daily stresses and worries about their family at home, meant their uncertain residence status could affect both their physical and mental health.

“ I’ve been to the doctor, because I had this check-up, because sometimes I had this spotting. And then I understand, because probably it’s… stress, [I] think about Philippines, think about my visa here. Think about the exam for the Norwegian language, so that was the time period I was thinking about the bad things .”

To obtain a skilled-workers visa, one has to be offered a job related to his/her education, of at least 30 h per week [ 29 ]. Visas are renewable every year but after 3 years, Filipinos can apply for permanent residency. The initial period of finding work was particularly stressful for women who came to Norway for this reason as they were often only offered part-time or temporary contracts.

For those who came through the au pair scheme, the situation could also be very uncertain, given the temporary nature of the work. According to legislation, people under 30 years can take part in a cultural exchange by living with a host family in exchange for help with light household chores and responsibilities such as childcare, cooking and cleaning [ 14 ]. The cultural exchange can be for up to 2 years and, as of 2012, is only for unmarried, childless individuals. After 2 years as an au-pair, women have no right to claim continued residence, unless they obtain skilled work, enrol in further study or marry a resident. Indeed, the au-pair scheme may often be a preferred option for some educated women to come to Norway [ 30 ]. They use this time to learn the language, culture and exchange their qualifications, while earning a small allowance and beginning the ground work for finding more relevant employment [ 30 ]: “My goal was…to apply for work. Because I had my authorisation as a health worker and I have my Norwegian exam and then I can actually go out and find a job”. Others however, may have no option but seek similar au-pair opportunities in other countries, continuing the cycle of insecurity and distress:

“Especially when I have this depression…I can’t concentrate - everything, because I was like thinking too much about this. Because I am going to, I have two months left, and I need to find a family and everything… I mean this past month I am really stressed, because of this paper.”

The women who moved to be with a spouse/partner (family reunification) did not feel exempt from insecurities about the future. One woman, for instance, who lost her husband, her biggest source of support, worried about her prospects:

“when he died, my husband, I was really afraid ... what will happen to me. Because then I wasn’t even finished studying. So I thought, how? Also I am just a foreigner. And at that time I wasn’t good at speaking Norwegian.”

Role as worker

Many of the women were de-skilled upon coming to Norway; working as au pairs, waitresses or cleaners regardless of their migration pathway, despite having college or university level education. Nursing, a highly feminised profession, is a commonly chosen career for Filipinas because of the opportunity for overseas employment [ 10 ]. However, due to differing educational requirements between Norway and the Philippines, nurses often end up in lower-skilled positions with lower pay, such as care assistants, or in less preferred care work with unsociable hours [ 31 ]. This left the women feeling devalued and disillusioned when faced with the uphill struggle of further study in order to qualify as a nurse in Norway, particularly when the requirements were constantly updated:

“When it comes to career, it’s the bureaucratic system that makes everything difficult ... sometimes I feel hopeless. It’s very frustrating you know, making use of your money and time for anything, for everything you have done.… so for me, right now I’m not really 100% satisfied because of… the hard work I’ve been through and nothing after how many years…. I have that feeling that I’m not yet done. it’s endless exams… So, because of changes and the… permanent system or check list for us to be… accepted here as nurses… is really hard…It’s not permanent. It’s not consistent.”

As mentioned above, the au pair scheme was sometimes a stepping stone to more permanent employment for women and the host family could be a good resource when planning a future in Norway: “the family was very… engaged and helpful, and supportive… in my dreams and in my plans”. However, the role of an au-pair is open to interpretation and these women have the potential to be exploited “ some Filipinas were not lucky enough to have families who would really-... the word au pair, you are a worker, you are not a member of the family.” Although revised regulations have increased the protection for au-pairs, it is not clear how this is controlled [ 14 ]. Host families of au-pairs are for instance obligated to pay for Norwegian tuition [ 32 ] but one informant indicated that she was denied this: “ I didn’t go to school because the second host family, they didn’t give me this. They were like okay, okay but nothing! ” This served to maintain the language barrier and limited her future opportunities in Norway, thus increasing the stress about her uncertain future. Although various regulating bodies can be contacted in these situations, this is unlikely to be an option for most of these women. Being young, female and in a foreign country, as well as financially reliant on the family, living in their home and having temporary immigration status leaves the women in vulnerable positions.

Role as breadwinner

Almost all informants reported sending remittances home to family members; to support their children, parents, siblings or nieces and nephews. Given the importance of the family in Filipino culture [ 33 ], this was a natural thing for the women to do:

‘so when it comes to financial support… I don’t take it as a responsibility. Literally – it’s not. But for me to get an amount like this – because I know I’m earning more than what they earn, it’s like… it’s a grateful thing’.

While some were just providing a little extra to their families when they could, others were the main breadwinner, supporting their family with day to day living, housing, health services and education. The level of responsibility could be stressful for the women when they were unable to meet their families’ expectations. Feeling that their family members back home saw them as a never ending source of money, they sometimes struggled to make them understand differences in the cost of living and the financial obligations they had in Norway. This resulted in guilt and a sense of powerlessness:

“And then I said to my mother that I only earn this money, so you don’t have to think about your sisters, your brothers’ family, because….we cannot afford to pay - to feed them all. Think of yourself, this is enough, this is what we have, and whatever extra you have, that’s the one that you have to give to them. Anyway I’m thinking about them, you know, but I cannot, I am not a God who can afford to feed them all.”

Role as a daughter

To some extent, women’s migration can be used as a strategy for resisting gender normative roles by giving them financial independence and more autonomy over their own lives [ 34 ].

“In Norway so I get a sense of… a new outlook of how a [young adult]… would be like in the society. So I get my independence, I earn a lot; I can travel without the consent of my family. So it’s very new and a very noble experience .”

However, the normative role as the dutiful daughter or altruistic mother means that women would sacrifice their own needs in order to send larger remittances home [ 35 ]. Indeed, this was evidenced by some informants; they took on multiple jobs to the point of exhaustion, engaged in studying in order to improve future earnings, forwent trips home to visit family and even delayed motherhood.

“It’s not easy. So that’s also why it’s nice also that I don’t have a child yet….Sometimes I wish…when I saw kids, but I say, yeah it’s not yet time. I have to have work first… Maybe [then] it would be easier to support both”.

In the Philippines, the sense of family obligation is particularly strong for the eldest daughter [ 36 ]. There is often the expectation that she will take on a caring role for younger siblings and aging family members. In families where parents invest in the eldest daughter’s education and/or help them go abroad, she is expected to contribute financially to the household, often supporting younger siblings. By putting the family’s needs before her own, she fulfils the role as a virtuous and moral daughter or sister.

The woman’s role as a nurturer is strongly embedded, which sometimes leads to feelings of guilt for being unable to provide direct care for aging family members back home [ 37 ]. Some rationalised that providing financially was more important “ whether we like it or not, practically speaking, I think the financial aspect weighs heavier. ” In this way, money becomes a way of showing care to loved ones [ 38 ]. However, it could not always compensate, as indicated by this woman working in health care:

“I always tell myself that, because I know I will be living here, because I am working here, the love and the care that I give to my patients – are the love and care that I can never give to my grandmother and my mother. Because they will be there in the Philippines, and I am here, working… I can send money, I can call, but I mean the mere presence of being there…. It is very different when you touch a person… And I can do that with my patients. I can even wipe the saliva that drooling out. I can even clean, I can even bath them, I can even feed them. But, I can’t do that to my mamma, when she will grow old. I cannot do that to my ailing grandfather or grandmother.”

Through engaging in paid emotional labour [ 39 ] this informant’s remittances had more meaning. In this way she could fulfil both her role as a nurturing woman and a provider, resolving some of her guilt.

Role as a wife/partner

The role of breadwinner could be even more complex for some of the married women, who noted that the cultural differences in attitudes between Filipinos and Norwegians had potential for conflict: “ [Norwegians are] more independent. Your mums’ money, is your mums’ money, my money is my money, like that… but in the Philippines is share, share, share.”

The women indicated that their spouses/partners were generally supportive of them sending remittances home and often helped out. However, there were times when the women felt torn between their family back home and the needs of their own household in Norway, which caused them distress:

“Especially when you cannot send money or there is a problem there. So you think a lot. So it’s not easy. That’s the time I have problem sleeping… that’s the most difficult, you cannot do anything and... if I need to send money there, I cannot always ask my husband for money, because he has lot of bills, yeah. So I was in the in-between. I have to think about our own problem and then think of the family. Sometimes it’s really difficult – what should I do? … what should I prioritize to help my husband or, yeah… It’s not easy”.

Feelings of disempowerment were also often described by the women with partners/spouses. The women who migrated to be with a partner/spouse were faced with a new and different culture, language and rules and regulations, placing them in a position of reliance on their husbands, emotionally, socially and economically. Although facing less pressure to secure their future through skilled work, to be granted permanent residence, women must now have lived in Norway with their husbands for 5 years [ 40 ]. Although the informants in this study described their husbands/partners as being kind, understanding and supportive, this legislation puts immigrant women at risk of being exploited or abused by their husbands [ 15 ]. Indeed, there was a worry that one could ‘ be thrown back to the Philippines again’ if the husband chose to end their relationship. In the very least, the power imbalance can serve to maintain ideologies of women as good and obedient housewives [ 41 ].

Further, due to visa restrictions on working prior to approval of a family reunification residence permit, women are often initially financially dependent on their partner. This also contributes to a power imbalance. Lacking their own income, women in this stage felt that they had lost some of their independence which affected their self-esteem:

“Maybe I am just sad… and I told my husband that. I said: “I’d like my own income”. Because for now it's been long time that he’s giving me - even a simple [thing]...your own make-up or something. Of course you like to buy things on your own… I am sad because for now I cannot do anything….But I’m really, I want to have a job just for my own, my own...For yourself - you feel independent and confident.”

In contrast, women who were married to Filipino men did not experience this economic dependence. They had been the first to move to Norway, with (or plans for) their husbands to follow through family reunification. Although this gives the women more autonomy and economic freedom, it can place a high amount of pressure on the women to successfully establish themselves with a skilled job, good income and a place to live. This process can take several years and the separation from their spouse can be a difficult period emotionally, increasing their sense of loneliness:

“It was quite difficult for me to live alone… but then when he came here it was a relief, like everything opened for me… because I was always dependent emotionally with my husband. So it’s different when you talk to him through Skype or viber. It’s different when you have him with you .”

Role as a mother

The women who had children in the Philippines experienced extra emotional strain due to the separation:

“it’s very hard ... the first time I arrived here I was crying every now and then ... you know, you are leaving your kids– I feel like dying. And then, as a mother, even now, I’m used to it, but still you cannot just “oh”. Sometimes … it [makes me] feel so weak, depressed also. Sometimes I really miss my kids – how I wish I could ... tie their hairs or something. Put them in bed, but I’m here so, yeah, it’s very sad”.

Transnational families are not uncommon around the world. However, in addition to the sadness the women experience being away from their children, they can also feel somewhat judged by their decision to move abroad in order to provide financially for their children: “ some people told me that I was so tough, because here leaving kids is abandoning, but in my culture it’s sacrifices, it means a lot for us as a mother.” This is not the same for fathers; the absence of fathers due to breadwinning overseas is more acceptable for both the affected children and at the societal level [ 42 ]. The ideology of women as nurturers again increases the guilt that the women experience as they try to mother their children from a distance. Although migration is often construed as a personal choice, leaving their children is not. These women are coerced into doing so as a result of their socioeconomic circumstances and the global economy [ 39 ] : ‘how can I produce money? Even I work a 24 hours, 24/7 in the Philippines, [it’s] not enough’ .

While these breadwinning, financially independent mothers experienced emotional difficulties due to the separation from their children, the women who were mothers to young children in Norway experienced social isolation due to being primary caregivers and were financially and socially dependent on their husbands. Social isolation has been attributed to depressive symptoms among immigrant mothers [ 43 ]. Feelings of being restricted due to a husband’s demanding working hours, could impact the women’s mood considerably:

“I cannot do anything now, before I can do this, do that, but now – oh no, I am stuck here in the house with my baby… It is really a different ambience for me, and I’m really not getting used to it.”

Resilience and coping

Despite being faced with a number of competing pressures due to the multiple roles these women occupy, together with adapting to a new life, these women showed resilience and strength. They felt they were able to adapt to the culture, climate and being away from family through time. They normalized both their loneliness and financial pressures from family: ‘I think it is a common one’ and showed a positive mind frame “I adjust… I am here now so I have to go out and look for work, and do things, which is good, you know… Don’t look for the negative side.” While mothers felt guilty and sad for not being with their children, at the same time, it was precisely their children who gave them the strength to continue: ‘sometimes it gives me like- okay, there’s no time for giving up, I’m tough, I’m strong. So okay, I don’t care. I need this for my kids’.

The women engaged in various coping strategies, both emotion-focused such as crying or writing down problems to vent their feelings, and problem-focused ones such as changing their situation when feeling low:

“If I can feel something attacking, I have to go out. I don’t want something get inside to my mind, because probably making me then [feel depressed]. So I have to go out and run. Running, walking or with some friends. Go downtown and eat” .

Two main sources of support were emphasised by the women as important for coping with stress and distress; informal support and religion. None of the women had sought care from a health professional for their stress or distress, even amongst those who reported having experienced a mental health problem. Just as the women had transnational roles, many of them also had transnational support. This helped them to maintain family ties and to re-create a sense of belonging .

Maintaining family ties

Frequent contact with family at home was important for reducing homesickness. Video calls and social media were helpful for maintaining close ties and giving a sense of being an active part of a loved one’s lives despite the distance. This was particularly important for the mothers as they felt it gave them a level of intimacy with their children. The belief that their children understood the reasons for their absence, also appeared to help the mothers resolve some of their guilt [ 42 ],:

“Even though I am… so far from them. I keep on … looking at them. Contact with them. Constantly. Follow up what they doing…How do they feel today, how do they feel that I am not – I am far away from them… And they say that’s okay. Sometimes they felt so lonely, but it is okay. Because they know that my purpose is for them also. It’s important that they understand my situation also...So not they think that oh, I just go and have some fun here.”

Many women had travelled back to the Philippines to visit family or had had visits from family members. Some also had, or had had family members living in Norway; siblings, aunts or cousins. This generally acted as a buffer against the loneliness they otherwise might have felt: “A lot of people have been saying they get lonely from time to time,—I guess I get that way too, but… I have family here, though….So… I think I’m okay ”.

The strong sense of shared identity in Filipino culture [ 33 ] means that responsibilities and concerns are divided and therefore the burden of personal problems are shared. Despite the distance, families back home remained the main source of support for some – both emotionally and practically. For instance family members assumed joint responsibility for looking after children or were confidants and advice givers: “Even now, sometimes I have a problem here, I talk to my family [back home] and it’s really a big help. Because… some private things you cannot talk to your friends…. I talk more to my, especially to my mom and my sister, all the sisters.”

However, this was not the case for all women: “ Because most of us Filipino, we are thinking first what will my loved ones will think. I want to solve it first to myself, before telling to them. Because I am sure they are very affected”. The collective concern for others and fears of destroying the hope that the breadwinning women represented for their family made it difficult for some to confide in their family: “I am also one of the wings of my family, you don’t want them to see me flying down… I want them to see me…soaring high every time .”

Re-creating a sense of belonging

The establishment of a close-knit network of other Filipinos in Norway was not only one of the biggest protective factors for these women’s loneliness but also for adjustment. The openness of the Filipino community meant that friendships were often quickly built out of similarity and understanding for each other’s situations. Being able to speak their own language, cook Filipino food and eat together gave them a sense of familiarity and belonging that was otherwise lacking for them.

“We have a group here… and that is the first time that I really feel more comfortable, because I have, I found my society…Filipino society here. I meet a lot of Filipina and we do the cultural evening … it’s like you don’t miss your country because you have your own country here”.

Being part of such a group, formal or informal, strengthens ethnic identification, which is associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms [ 44 ] and provides strong emotional, practical and social support. The women turned to each other for advice when job hunting, when experiencing stress or difficulties in Norway or for comfort when they had family worries. They socialised, laughed and cried together and confided in each other. Through re-creating a sense of belongingness, the friend network became a substitute family for many.

Majority of the women identified themselves as Catholic. Many attended church which functioned as a social arena to make new friends, a place to discuss problems and to feel a mutual sense of support:

“Because Sunday is church day, and at [the local church] you can see a lot of Filipinos there during Sundays, having - going to the mass. If you’re new in a place you just: “oh, I’m a Filipino, are you?” So in that way… I met a lot of friends.”

The social role of the church was important in times of need, for instance, when there were natural disasters at home. Additionally, some women indicated seeking advice from clergy. Spirituality however, seemed to be of greater significance to the informants in this study, whether or not they attended church. Their beliefs provided them with comfort and uplifting thoughts and they felt strong to enough to face difficult situations:

“I guess that my religion has helped me a lot …. Giving me hope, and faith, really helped me a lot. That’s why I don’t really feel a feeling of hopelessness, because I know as long as you live, you have hope. And there’s a way always.”

This study shows that the Filipinas in Norway face a number of challenges as immigrant women. Although they had different migratory pathways, the women had many shared experiences; worries about the future, homesickness, loneliness and concern for family members at home. The women were met with a number of political and economic stressors when trying to secure their future in Norway, such as obtaining suitable employment. The transnational roles that Filipinas occupy place additional pressure on them because, at times, they can struggle to meet the responsibilities they have in the Philippines and in Norway. Some mothers were also separated from their children, which had significant effects on their mental health. Immigration policy can contribute to and maintain power imbalances, resulting in the marginalisation of immigrant women [ 26 ]. This can impact not only mental health problems but also the resources women have to deal with them.

Language was commonly identified by the women as key to being part of Norwegian society. Language proficiency is also linked to access to, and knowledge of, health and social services [ 45 ]. According to Norwegian regulations, those who have residency based on having a spouse/partner in Norway have the right to, and are obligated to take part in, a minimum of 600 h of free Norwegian tuition (of which 50 h are social studies about Norwegian society) [ 46 ]. This has recently increased from 300 h, following an increased focus on acquiring language skills. However, until permission to stay is granted, the person is not entitled to this nor can he/she legally work. This can reinforce these women’s sense of social isolation, dependence on spouse/partner and feelings of low self-worth. Additionally, labour migrants are not entitled to this free tuition.

We also see that the very jobs which increase the demand for women’s migration serve to reinforce traditional gender roles [ 9 ] and hold women in socially disadvantaged positions. Au pairs for instance, have neither the rights of a student nor the protection of an employee [ 14 ], allowing for a large power differential between the privileged host family and the young, foreign au pair and thus, the potential for exploitation [ 16 ]. Exploitation and abuse are linked to poorer health among foreign migrant domestic workers [ 47 ].

Despite various immigration challenges, the informants showed a great deal of agency; they were resourceful, independent and adaptive. They worked hard to secure a future in Norway, not only in order to help their families at home but also to pursue their own hopes and dreams. The young, unmarried women felt particularly empowered through their migration, confirming previous research suggesting that women who migrate to support family also have their own agendas [ 48 ]. In contrast, the women who migrated through family reunification appeared to experience disempowerment and dependence, due to greater (initial) social and economic reliance on their spouse/partner. The women however, often sought advice from other Filipinas about education and job-hunting in order to improve their future earnings and increase their independence.

Overall, the women employed a number of coping strategies to deal with their loneliness, their guilt for being absent as a caregivers, their stress as breadwinners and other competing demands. Informal support from friends and family was utilised to a great extent, which falls in line with the importance Filipinos place on social relationships [ 33 ]. Informal sources of support have frequently been documented as preferable to formal sources among Asian immigrants, including Filipinos [ 49 ]. Being part of such a group, formal or informal, strengthens ethnic identification, which is associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms [ 44 ] and provides strong emotional, practical and social support. An Australian study that found that Filipina immigrants married to Australians sometimes severed family ties due to being unable to meet demands for remittances [ 19 ]. In contrast, a number of informants in our study still considered family the biggest source of support and they emphasised the importance of maintaining transnational ties.

The role of religion was also highlighted by our informants. Some reported increasing their church attendance. Previous research with Filipinos labour immigrants in Hong Kong found that church attendance promoted successful coping and reduced the impact of the emotional costs of migration [ 50 ]. This was due to the church groups being tailored towards immigrants. The women in the current study however, emphasised that it was their religious beliefs which gave them strength and guided them through difficult times. This is in line with previous research that indicates it is the spiritual side of religion which is associated with better mental health among Filipinos [ 51 ]. However, the same study found that spirituality is also associated with lower rates of professional help-seeking.

Recent research suggests that Filipinas are less likely to attend a GP for mental health problems, purchase psychotropic medication or engage in conversational therapy than Norwegian women are [ 20 ]. Our study suggests that Filipinas may often choose other ways to cope with their difficulties, since none had sought professional help despite five indicating that they were suffering from significant levels of psychological distress around the time of the interview. Some women may have benefited from professional help. Ways of improving professional help-seeking, as well as closer evaluation of the availability of alternative sources of help should therefore be explored in future research More specifically, studies investigating Filipina immigrants’ attitudes to seeking help for mental health problems in Norway and their experiences with the Norwegian health care system in general may help facilitate new ways of thinking in the provision of health and social services, as well as giving insight to the appropriateness of such services. Regardless, health care providers should be aware of the importance of considering the context of immigrant women’s lives in both their home country and host country when identifying and managing mental health problems among immigrants.

Strengths and limitations

There are some important methodological considerations with regards to trustworthiness of the study [ 52 ]. To enhance the transparency of the findings, we have described all stages of data collection and analysis, including a clear description of the informants. This also helps to facilitate with transferability of the findings. The study highlights the importance of considering contextual factors in Filipina immigrants’ lives is relation to their mental health. While the study suggests that Filipinas have different and somewhat mixed experiences, there are some common elements that may be transferable not only to Filipinas in Norway but also to other immigrants who have transnational caregiving or breadwinning roles around the world. It should be noted though, that majority of the informants had higher education, which is associated with successful personal, social and economic adaption [ 53 ]. Women with fewer resources may face greater challenges.

With regards to credibility [ 52 ], recording and transcribing the interviews helped ensure the quality of the data. The first author, who interviewed the informants, is from the United Kingdom but lives in Norway. Coming from a different cultural background and having the role as a researcher, she may have been considered an outsider to the women. Yet, with some shared experiences of being an immigrant woman in Norway, the informants may have been more comfortable in discussing topics related to their difficulties in Norway. Findings are dependent on the subjective interpretations of the researchers. Although the first author had the main responsibility for data analysis, the data was discussed with the other authors, who also had immigrant backgrounds. Further, the second author is a Filipina living in Norway. The combination of backgrounds enabled an exploration of different perspectives, contributing further to the credibility of the findings. Attention was also given to contradictions in the data and instances of findings that did not apply to some informants have been reported.

This study has explored how the social, political and cultural contexts of Filipina immigrants’ lives can impact mental health and coping through using the post-colonial feminist perspective. Structural factors that Filipinas face as immigrants can disempower them. Additionally, they occupy various transnational roles as women which can exacerbate stress and distress. Yet, Filipinas show agency and resilience that helps in their adjustment and they utilise social support networks and religion to help cope with their difficulties. Nonetheless, some women may not cope effectively and may benefit from professional help-seeking. Future research should consider attitudes to, and ways of improving, help-seeking from various sources.

Abbreviations

General practitioner

Hopkins symptoms checklist

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank all the informants for their willingness and openness to share their time, stories and experiences. We would also like to acknowledge the key contacts who helped in finding potential informants, and Karina Ikhsani who did an excellent job of interview transcription – thank you.

Ethical approval and consent to participate

Ethical approval was obtained from the Regional Committee for Medical and Health Research Ethics, West Norway (2013/542/REK Vest). Written consent to participate was given by all informants.

This study was part of a post-doctoral project funded by the Research Council of Norway. The Research Council of Norway was not involved in the study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation or in writing the manuscript.

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The datasets generated during the current study are not publically available due to the sensitive and personal nature of the information contained in the data. Data may be available from the current authors, with restrictions and following ethical approval.

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Melanie L. Straiton

Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Oslo University Hospital, Nydalen, P.O. Box 4956, 0424, Oslo, Norway

Heloise Marie L. Ledesma

Faculty of Nursing, Cumming School of Medicine, Community Health Sciences, University of Calgary, 2500 University Drive NW, Calgary, AB, T2N 1N4, Canada

Tam T. Donnelly

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MS designed the study, conducted the interviews and analysed and interpreted the data. She also drafted the manuscript. HML assisted with preparations prior to interviews, participated in discussions on the interpretation of the data, contributed with background knowledge and was involved in drafting the manuscript. TD advised in the method of analysis, the interpretation of the data and in drafting the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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MS is a researcher at the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. She has a PhD in psychology and an interest in immigrant mental health and use of health care services.

HML is a clinical psychologist at Oslo University Hospital, Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. She has a PHD in clinical neuropsychology and an interest in bilingualism and mental health.

TD is a Full Professor at the University of Calgary, Faculty of Nursing and Medicine and former Associate Dean for Research at the University of Calgary - Qatar. TD’s research focuses on the Health and Wellness of diverse backgrounds populations which include mental healthcare, oncology, lifestyle risk factors that contribute to chronic diseases, and promotion of healthy lifestyle.

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Straiton, M.L., Ledesma, H.M.L. & Donnelly, T.T. A qualitative study of Filipina immigrants’ stress, distress and coping: the impact of their multiple, transnational roles as women. BMC Women's Health 17 , 72 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-017-0429-4

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18 Essays About The Immigrant Experience You Need To Read

These stories illuminate what it takes, and what it means, to uproot your life in one country and begin it again in a new one.

BuzzFeed Staff

Growing Up American In Gaza Taught Me What We Owe To Refugees — Rebecca Peterson Zeccola

"In Palestine, we could so easily have been treated as the enemy, but we were welcomed like family."

I’m Not OK With Being One Of The Lucky Muslims — Romaissaa Benzizoune

"This weekend’s immigration order doesn’t apply to me or my family; I’ll be fine. But so many others I know and love will not."

I Grew Up In The Rust Belt, But I'm Not In Any Of The Stories About It — Alia Hanna Habib

"It’s strange to see the media turn its attention to places like my hometown in coal-country Pennsylvania and find that my experience there, as part of the non -white working class, is still invisible."

Here’s What I’m Telling My Brown Son About Trump’s America — Mira Jacob

"Sometimes I wish I could ask America when, exactly, it made its mind up about us. The myth, of course, is that it hasn’t, that there is still a chance to mollify those who dictate the terms of our experience here, and then be allowed to chase success unfettered by their paranoia. To live, as it’s more commonly known, the American dream."

There’s No Recipe For Growing Up — Scaachi Koul

"My mom’s Kashmiri cooking has always tethered me to home. So it’s no wonder she won’t give me (all) the secrets to doing it myself."

How I Learned That Beauty Doesn’t Have To Hurt — Sonya Chung

"Growing up in a Korean American family, I absorbed the idea that any feeling of pleasure comes at a cost. But as I get older, I’m realizing it doesn’t have to work that way."

Why Brexit Has Broken My Heart — Bim Adewunmi

"As a child of immigrants, I am deeply ashamed that this is who we are."

I Found A Home In Clubs Like Pulse, In Cities Like Orlando — Rigoberto González

"I cherish the time I have spent in clubs like Pulse in cities like Orlando, where gay Latinos — the immigrants, the undocumented, and the first-generation Americans alike — gravitate because we love men and we love our homelands, and that’s one of the places our worlds converge."

Making Great Pho Is Hard, But Making A Life From Scratch Is Harder — Nicole Nguyen

"After fleeing Vietnam, my parents turned to food to teach us about what it means to be Vietnamese."

When Home Is Between Different Countries And Genders — Meredith Talusan

"I moved to the U.S. from the Philippines when I was 15, where I had been raised as a boy. About a decade later, I started to live as a woman and eventually transitioned. I think of migration and transition as two examples of the same process – moving from one home, one reality, to another."

I Found The House My Grandparents Abandoned in 1947 — Ahmed Ali Akbar

"So many Americans go to India to find themselves. But I went to find the history my family lost in the subcontinent’s Partition."

How I Became A Southern-Fried Nigerian — Israel Daramola

"I once felt torn between Nigeria and Florida, between jollof rice and fried alligator, but there is no real me without both."

Learning To Mourn In My Father's Country — Reggie Ugwu

"After my brother died and my father was partially paralyzed, my family traveled 7,000 miles in search of an old home, a new house, and the things we’d lost on the road in between."

How To Get Your Green Card In America — Sarah Mathews

"When you perform the act of audacity that is consolidating an entire life into a couple of suitcases and striking out to make your way, what is not American about that? When you leave the old country so that your daughters can have a good education and walk down their streets without fear, what is not American about that? When you flee violence and poverty to come to a land of plenty, when you are willing to learn new languages, to haul ass, to do twice as much work, what is not American about that?"

A Childhood Spent Inside A Chinese Restaurant — Susan Cheng

"Being one of the few Asians in my school was hard enough. Working at my parents’ Chinese restaurant didn’t make it any easier."

How I Learned To Celebrate Eid Al Adha In America — Zainab Shah

"I bent over backward to explain myself. 'From Pakistan,' I would say. 'Not a terrorist,' I almost added. But I didn’t — the joke would only be funny if racial profiling didn’t exist."

Texts From My Parents: What It Was Like To Leave Vietnam — Nicole Nguyen

"They did it for us, and I'll spend the rest of my life trying to make the most of it."

What It’s Like Speaking A Different Language From Your Parents — Zakia Uddin

"My parents and I communicate in an incomplete mash-up of Bengali and English. I sometimes wonder what we are missing."

Topics in this article

• Immigration

Essay on Migration

Students are often asked to write an essay on Migration in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Migration

Understanding migration.

Migration refers to the movement of people from one place to another. It can be within a country (internal migration) or between different countries (international migration).

Reasons for Migration

People migrate for various reasons. Some move for better job opportunities, while others might move due to conflicts or natural disasters in their home region.

Effects of Migration

Migration can have both positive and negative effects. It can lead to cultural diversity and economic growth, but it can also cause overcrowding and strain on resources.

Migration is a complex issue with many facets. It’s important to understand why people migrate and its impact on societies.

250 Words Essay on Migration

Introduction.

Migration, an inherent human phenomenon, has shaped societies and cultures since the dawn of civilization. It is a complex process influenced by an intricate interplay of economic, political, social, and environmental factors.

Types of Migration

Migration can be categorized broadly into internal and international. Internal migration involves movement within a country, often from rural to urban areas, driven by the pursuit of better economic opportunities. International migration, on the other hand, involves crossing national borders, often influenced by factors like conflict, persecution, or economic disparity.

The Push-Pull Theory

The push-pull theory provides a framework to understand migration. ‘Push’ factors include poverty, political instability, or environmental disasters that compel people to leave their homes. Conversely, ‘pull’ factors attract individuals to new regions, such as better job opportunities, political stability, or higher living standards.

Impacts of Migration

Migration has profound implications on both the source and destination regions. While it can lead to brain drain and demographic imbalances in the source region, it can also alleviate poverty and foster development. In destination regions, it can stimulate economic growth but may also strain resources and potentially cause social tension.

Migration, an integral part of our globalized world, presents both challenges and opportunities. It is crucial to foster policies that maximize its benefits while mitigating its potential drawbacks. Understanding the dynamics of migration can pave the way for more inclusive, equitable, and sustainable societies.

500 Words Essay on Migration

The driving forces of migration.

The primary drivers of migration are often classified as push and pull factors. Push factors refer to the conditions that drive individuals to leave their homes, such as poverty, lack of opportunities, political instability, or environmental disasters. Pull factors, on the other hand, are the attractive aspects of the destination, like better economic opportunities, political stability, or higher living standards.

Migration can be categorized into different types based on various parameters. Internal migration refers to the movement within a country, while international migration involves crossing national borders. Migration can also be voluntary, where individuals choose to move, or forced, where individuals are compelled to leave due to circumstances beyond their control.

For the destination region, migration can lead to an increase in diversity and cultural richness. It can also fill labor gaps, contributing to economic growth. However, if not managed well, it can lead to social tensions.

Migration in the Age of Globalization

In the era of globalization, migration has become more accessible and prevalent. The interconnectedness of economies has led to increased labor mobility. However, it has also exposed the stark inequalities between regions, further motivating migration. The rise of transnational communities, where migrants maintain strong ties with their home countries while integrating into the host society, is another notable trend.

Challenges and Opportunities

In conclusion, migration is an inherent part of human society, driven by a complex interplay of factors. It has far-reaching impacts on individuals, communities, and nations. As the world becomes increasingly interconnected, the dynamics of migration will continue to evolve, presenting both challenges and opportunities. Understanding and managing migration effectively is crucial to building inclusive, diverse, and prosperous societies.

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Forced Migration and Resilience: Introduction

• First Online: 07 December 2019

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This introductory chapter provides an overview to the general context of forced migration and its relationship to resilience research and links this context with the objectives of this volume and the different contributions to this volume. By marking basic directions of resilience research in the context of forced displacement, the overall interdisciplinary objective of this volume and selection of papers is located within current processes of resilience research.

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Fingerle, M., Wink, R. (2020). Forced Migration and Resilience: Introduction. In: Fingerle, M., Wink, R. (eds) Forced Migration and Resilience. Studien zur Resilienzforschung. Springer, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27926-4_1

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